[263] Story’s Impartial Hist. June 1690, and Continuation, chap. ii. Proclamations of June 19 and 24. General order of June 20 among the Clarke MSS. Colonel Culter’s application, endorsed, ‘Not granted,’ July 10, ib. Luttrell’s Diary, ii. 12, and throughout the first half of the year. Contemporary letters in Benn’s Hist. of Belfast, p. 180-182. Lauzun to Louvois, June 16/26. The Clarke MSS. are rich in details as to the preparations.
[264] Story’s Impartial Hist., p. 68. Lauzun to Louvois, June 23/July 3, in Ranke’s appendix. Light to the Blind, p. 96.
[265] Lauzun to Louvois, June 21/July 1 to June 26/July 4, and to Seignelay, July 16/26. Clarke’s Life of James II., original memoirs, ii. 391-393. Light to the Blind, p. 97. Lauzun quite understood that William was well supplied by sea, but the author of Macariæ Excidium imagined that he was dependent on the resources of Ulster. Stevens’s Journal, June 23-29. Two Scotch ensigns who deserted to William said it had been resolved to defend the Moyry pass. Diary of Dean Davies, June 22.
[266] Story’s Impartial Hist., pp. 70-8, and Continuation, pp. 19-22. Bellingham’s Diary, June 26-30. Parker’s Memoirs, p. 21. General Douglas’s letter of July 7 to his brother, Queensberry, printed in Napier’s Dundee, appx. vi., has the following as to William’s wound: ‘He said nothing, only three words in Dutch, T’hoobt niet naeder—that is, it needs not to come nearer.’ See Portland to Melville, July 4/14, in Leven and Melville Papers. Dean Davies’s Diary, June 30. Stevens’s Journal, June 27-July 1. William said to Burnet (ii. 46): ‘that the going against King James in person was hard upon him, since it would be a vast trouble both to himself and to the Queen if he should be either killed or taken prisoner.’ In a note to this Dartmouth says William gave orders to the fleet to take James at sea and convey him to Holland, but the real order to Herbert was to do so if he ‘took any vessel in which the late King should happen to be.’ The original letter in Nottingham’s hand is printed in Ellis’s Original Letters, 2nd series, iv., 186. A captive king in Holland would be much less dangerous than in England.
[267] In his letter of July 7 Douglas, whose authority on this point seems superior to all others’, says the original detachment under Meinhart Schomberg was 4000 horse and 3000 foot, and that he was sent to support him with 12,000 foot. Lauzun says: ‘Le petit jour venu, nous les vîmes marcher en colonnes cavalerie et infanterie de l’autre côté de la rivière droit à Slaine sans que le camp qui était devant nous branlât ou fît aucun mouvement.’ Light to the Blind says Slane bridge was broken down. G. Bonnivet, whose journal is Sloane MS. 1033, was with Douglas’s wing.
[268] Payen de la Fouleresse stood close to William while the Danes were crossing and heard him praise them: he wrote his letter on a drum next day. In his letter above cited Douglas says, ‘The enemy’s horse fought wonderfully bravely as ever men could do.’ Payen’s letter to his sovereign Christian V. of Denmark, July 2, 1690, is in Notes and Queries, July 1877.
[269] ‘A saying of Sarsfield’s deserves to be remembered; for it was much talked of all Europe over. He asked some of the English officers if they had not come to a better opinion of the Irish by their behaviour during this war; and whereas they said it was much the same that it had always been; Sarsfield answered: As low as we now are, change but kings with us, and we will fight it over again with you.’ This was after the capitulation of Limerick.—Burnet, ii. 81. Lauzun to Seignelay, July 16/26. Clarke’s Life of James, ii. 397, Original Memoirs. Berwick.
[270] Dangeau, July 23/August 2 and following days. De Sourches, July 17/27. Abbé de Choisy to Bussy-Rabutin, August 13/23, in the latter’s Correspondence, vol. vi. Duke of Modena’s letters, July and August, in Stuart Papers, i. Melfort’s letters, August and September, in Ellis’s Original Letters, 2nd series, vol. iv. Writing to Madame de Sévigné on May 21/31, less than six weeks before the Boyne, Bussy-Rabutin says: ‘Les affaires d’Irlande vont assez bien; il n’y a que le roi Jacques qui gâte tout, et qui montre tous les jours par sa conduite qu’il mérite ses disgrâces.’ Writing to Louvois on July 15/25, a fortnight after the battle, when James was back in France, Luxembourg says (in Rousset, iv. 423): ‘Ceux qui aiment sa gloire ont bien à déplorer le personnage qu’il a fait.’ The Marquis de la Faro says the rejoicings for William’s supposed death were the greatest possible compliment to him. He had fought like a lion, while James had lost a throne without fighting, ‘malgré la ferocité des Anglais.’ The author of Light to the Blind repeatedly calls the Boyne a skirmish and a paltry combat.
[271] Life of James, ii. 391, Original Memoirs. True and Perfect Journal. Lauzun to Seignelay and to Louvois in Ranke’s appendix.
[272] In his éloge prefixed to Berwick’s memoirs, Montesquieu says the English rightly regarded this war as all-important, and the French merely as ‘d’affection particulière et de bienséance. Les Anglais qui ne voulaient point avoir de guerre civile chez eux, assomèrent l’Irlande; il paroît même que les officiers français qu’on y envoya pensèrent comme eux qui les envoyaient: ils n’eurent que deux choses dans la tête, d’arriver, de se battre et de s’en retourner. Le temps a fait voir que les Anglais avaient mieux pensé que nous.’ Macaulay sought in vain for the full account of the battle which Lauzun must have sent to Louvois. His despatch has been printed by Ranke, vi. 117, but it is to Seignelay and not to Louvois, and written from Limerick, July 16/26.