Croft recalled, 1552.
At this time the King granted leave of absence to Croft, whom he apparently intended to send back; but the O’Connors became uneasy, and Sir Henry Knollys was sent to stop the Lord Deputy. The clouds blew over, and Croft was able to go before the end of the year, leaving the government to Cusack and Chief Justice Aylmer. Tyrone was released a few days later, and followed Croft to London; and Hugh O’Neill submitted, apologising for the past, and making promises for the future. The latter chief received certain monastic lands rent free, especially stipulating for the friary at Carrickfergus, where his ancestors were buried. Belfast Castle was restored to him. The Government had in fact been unable to chastise him, and put the best face they could upon matters. It can hardly be doubted that the three secular priests whom Hugh intended to maintain at the family burying place were not likely to advance the King’s views in religion.[385]
Character of Croft. St. Leger returns to Ireland.
Sir James Croft bears a fair character among Irish governors. He did nothing very striking, nor did he contribute much towards a final pacification; but he was considered a just man, and he made no personal enemies. He was at least no bigot, for he received warm praise from Archbishop Browne, though he did not hesitate to recommend Leverous for a bishopric. It was, however, decided that St. Leger should return to Ireland in his stead. Sir Anthony’s government had been cheap, and not ineffectual. During the last five years of Henry’s reign there had been a small annual surplus; but since his death there had been a constantly growing deficit, which could only be met by increasing the taxation of the obedient shires, by employing Irish soldiers almost exclusively, and by maintaining such troops as were necessary at free quarters upon the country. Miserable expedients certainly; but the English Government could devise nothing better, and they were determined to keep down the expenses. It was resolved not to increase the existing force of 2,024, and to make no attempt at a thorough conquest. The arrangement with Tyrone was dishonourable, but was to be adhered to, lest a breach of faith should lead to war, and consequent expenditure. The King’s death prevented a full return to his father’s policy, and those who had lately governed in his name immediately lost all influence.[386]
Protestant Bishops.
Goodacre was consecrated to Armagh and Bale to Ossory on the same day by Browne, Lancaster of Kildare, and Eugene Magennis of Down. Where Bale was there was sure to be controversy, and a fierce one arose about the ritual proper to the occasion. The Archbishop would have postponed the ceremony, and Bale, who frequently denounces him as an epicure, declares that his object was to ‘take up the proxies of any bishopric to his own gluttonous use.’ Lockwood, Dean of Christ Church, was supreme in his own cathedral, and his timidity led him to wish for the pontifical order. Bale accordingly stigmatises him as an ass-headed dean, a blockhead who cared only for his kitchen and his belly. But Lockwood had the law on his side; for King Edward’s first book only had been proclaimed in Ireland, and it contained no form for consecration. Browne and Cusack also wished to stand on the old way. Goodacre was for the form contained in the second book, and now used in England, but he was willing to waive his own opinion. Bale, however, positively refused to be consecrated according to the old usage, boldly maintaining that one king makes one law, and that Ireland must necessarily follow England. His vehemence carried the day, and the consecrations took place according to the new Anglican use. The Communion Service followed, and Bale rejected the consecrated wafer, successfully arguing that common bread should be used. He afterwards preached twelve strong Protestant sermons in Dublin, insisting particularly on the marriage of priests; and he flattered himself that he had established the people ‘in the doctrines of repentance, and necessary belief in the gospel.’[387]
Goodacre.
Goodacre seems never to have seen his cathedral, to which access was barred by Shane O’Neill. Bale says he was a man of remarkable sincerity and integrity, and a zealous and eloquent preacher. He also informs us that he was poisoned by the procurement of certain priests of his diocese, ‘for preaching God’s verity, and rebuking common vices.’ This contemporary statement has been doubted, on account of Bale’s prejudices, but it is repeated by Burnet on the authority of Goodacre’s fourth lineal descendant. Burnet’s informant received the story from his grandfather, who was Goodacre’s grandson. According to this tradition the actual murderer was a monk, who pledged Goodacre in poisoned wine, and died himself of the effects. Bale says he was himself warned by letter to beware of the Archbishop’s fate. Whether the joint authority of Ossory and Sarum is to be rejected or not will much depend upon the reader’s opinion of two learned, and in some respects not dissimilar divines.
Bale.
Bale soon proceeded to Kilkenny. On his journey from Waterford to Dublin he had already passed through part of his diocese, and had been much scandalised by what he saw and heard. The parish priest of Knocktopher boasted that he was a son of William, late prior of the Carmelites there—not the legitimate son, as he was careful to point out. The marriage of a friar would have been a heinous offence, but an irregular connection was venial, and it was thought honourable to be the offspring of a spiritual man, whether bishop, abbot, monk, friar, or secular priest. Bale, who had himself been a Carmelite, and who had married a wife, rebuked this candid ecclesiastic, and resolved to set himself as bishop to the work of reform. He admits that he had no success; and none could be expected where public opinion sanctioned the pleasant vices of the clergy.[388]