The marches of the hostile armies before the battle, may be concisely described thus:—Richmond set sail from Harfleur, on Sunday the 31st of July, 1485; landed at Milford Haven on the 6th of August; marched through Wales, by Dell, Haverfordwest, Cardigan, New Town, and Welsh Pool, to Shrewsbury, and then through Newport and Stafford, to Lichfield, where he encamped for a day or two, and arrived at Tamworth on the evening of the 18th. [161b] On the 19th, he went to Atherstone, where Lord Stanley [161c] and Sir William Stanley [161d] had an interview with him, and concerted the measures for their future operations. During all his march, he had constant additions to his forces, for others came in and joined him. On the 20th he encamped at Atherstone; and on the 21st, both armies were in sight of each other for the whole day; [161e] Henry having encamped at Whitemoors, close to the place where the battle of Bosworth was fought on the next day.
It is impossible to suppose that Henry could have acted with such folly, as to sail from France, with a very small body of men, described by Commines as a very sorry and unsoldierlike set, from gaols, hospitals, &c., and land in Wales, and from thence march into the heart of England, where any serious disaster must have caused the utter ruin of himself and his adherents, unless he had been well assured beforehand, of the co-operation of Lord Stanley, who was the third husband of his mother. [162a] Such a course of proceeding, by Henry, without being previously certain of Lord Stanley’s deserting Richard at a convenient opportunity, would have been an act of madness. Everything had, no doubt, been arranged between them before Henry embarked in France.
The fatal error which Richard committed, was previously to the battle, in intrusting the levying of forces to Lord Stanley, when he could not confidently trust him: Richard imagined that, by retaining in his custody George Lord Strange, the son of Lord Stanley, by way of hostage, he had sufficient security for his fidelity; but the result showed how frail and deceptive such a security really was.
Richard, on the 16th of August, led his army from Nottingham to Leicester, which town he entered with great pomp. On the 17th, he marched from it, expecting to meet his rival at Hinckley. That night he passed at Emsthorpe, where his officers slept in the church. On the 18th, he removed to Stapleton, where he pitched his camp on the ground called Bradshaws, and remained until Sunday, the 21st, when both armies came in sight of each other. In the evening, Richard removed with his forces to Amyon Hill. [162b] On the 22nd, the battle took place.
Mr. Hutton states, that “the King continued in battalia near the top of the hill, unwilling to lose his advantageous ground; while Henry unfurled his banners, sounded the march of death, and advanced from the meadows below;” [163a] also, that Richmond “slowly marched up the ascent, where the wood now stands; the morass formed by King Richard’s Well, being on his right, and the sun, not on his back, or his right hand, but between both: the King’s troops looking on with their bows bent.” [163b] That account respecting the position of the sun when the battle commenced, differs in a slight degree from the accounts of the old historians, who state, that when Henry left the marsh on his right, he had the sun at his back, and that it was in the face of his enemies. [163c]
Those accounts seem to be all that we have to guide us, as to the precise position of Richard’s army, when the battle commenced; for the old historians have not devoted their attention to describing it.
The position upon the hill, was certainly, as Mr. Hutton correctly states, an excellent one, and Henry must have begun the attack at some disadvantage, for the hill was against him. [163d]
The old historical writers state, that when Henry marched from his camp to the attack, he left the morass on his right; [163e] which is important, and tends to confirm the explanation before attempted, respecting the position of Richard’s army. Mr. Hutton mentions, that Henry advanced from the south end of the field, [163f] and that Richard’s forces were posted in battalia upon Amyon Hill. [163g] If so, it seems tolerably clear, that Henry’s army faced (as has been already mentioned) to the north-eastward, and that of Richard to the south-westward; and it appears naturally to follow, that Richard had the town of Market Bosworth, or the village of Sutton Cheney, or both of them in his rear, or rather in the rear of his left wing.
It is remarkable, that in Mr. Hutton’s plan of the field of battle, at page 1, Henry’s army is drawn, as facing towards the south-eastward; and Richard’s army is delineated facing towards the north-westward, with Market Bosworth at a distance, in advance of his right, and with Sutton Cheney rather to the rear of his right, and with his left extended towards the well; but with Lord Stanley’s forces interposed between it and the King’s army; yet in the other plan, delineated by Mr. Pridden, and introduced by J. Nichols, F.S.A., into the work; at page 244, Henry’s army is depicted facing to the north-eastward; and the army of Richard is delineated as facing to the south-westward (which seems to be probable), and with Sutton Cheney to the rear of his left, and with King Richard’s Well between the two armies, and rather before Richard’s right centre.
With respect, to the tradition, that Richard quenched his thirst at the well during the battle, I have merely to remark, that it was an improbable circumstance to have occurred in such a place.