[51] See Observations, Part I. sect. 2.
[52] The greatest part of Mr. Goodricke’s remarks are founded on this misunderstanding. He is so candid that I know he did not mean to misrepresent me; and yet I cannot help thinking it hard, after repeated declarations of my preference of such a constitution as our own, to be considered as an advocate for a pure Democracy. See Observations on Dr. Price’s Theory and Principles of Civil Liberty and Government, by Mr. Goodricke.
[53] One of the best plans of this kind has been with much ability, described by Mr. De Lolme, in his account of the Constitution of England.
[54] “As in a free state, every man who is supposed a free agent, ought to be his own governor; so the legislative power should reside in the whole body of the people.” Spirit of Laws, Book XI. chap. vi. See likewise Justice Blackstone’s Commentaries on the Laws of England, page 158. 1st Vol. oct. edition.—Demosthenes speaking in his first Philippic, sect. 3d. of certain free states, calls them their own legislators, αυτονομουμηνα καὶ ελευθερα.
[55] See Remarks, printed for Mr. Cadell, on a pamphlet published by Dr. Price. In a letter from a gentleman in the country to a member of parliament, page 10.
[56] Rom. vii.
[57] Dr. Priestly, in his Essay on the first principles of Government, makes a distinction between civil Liberty and political Liberty; the former of which he defines to be “the power which the members of a state ought to enjoy over their actions;” and the latter, “their power of arriving at public offices, or, at least, of having votes in the nomination of those who fill them.”—This distinction forms a very proper subdivision of the liberty of the citizen here mentioned; and it may be accommodated to all I have said on this subject, by only giving some less general name to that which Dr. Priestly calls civil Liberty.
[58] See on this Subject an excellent Sermon entitled, The Principles of the Revolution vindicated. By Dr. Watson, Regius Professor of Divinity, at Cambridge.
[59] Some who maintain this doctrine concerning government, overthrow their own system by acknowledging the right of resistance in certain cases. For, if there is such a right, the people must be judges when it ought to be exercised; a right to resist only when civil governors think there is reason, being a gross absurdity and nullity.—The right of resistance, therefore, cannot mean less than a right in the people, whenever they think it necessary, to change their governors, and to limit their power. And from the moment this is done, government becomes the work of the people, and governors become their trustees or agents.
[60] It has been commonly reckoned, that it is the end of civil government and civil laws to protect the property and rights of men; but, according to this writer, civil government and civil laws create property and rights. It follows therefore, that, antecedently to civil laws, men could have no property or rights; and that civil governors, being the makers of civil laws, it is a contradiction to suppose, that mankind can have any property or rights which are valid against the claims of their governors. See Three Letters to Dr. Price, p. 21, &c. And Remarks on the principal Acts of the 13th Parliament of Great-Britain, p. 58, &c. and p. 191.