French and German Socialism in Modern Times

by Richard T. Ely

“The Christian element about this teaching was rather a something floating over it than definitely embodied in it. No attempt was made to formulate any religious creed which should be professed even by those who formed the central body—‘The Council of Promoters of Workingmen’s Societies,’ as it was called. Still less was there any attempt to limit the men employed in any of the societies to those professing Christianity. There was a general understanding that the tone of any writings put forth by the council or any of its members should be such as Maurice and Kingsley would approve. But this was all. Of the freedom of opinion in the council a striking proof is Mr. Lloyd Jones, who had been one of R. Owen’s missionaries, and never professed any form of Christianity, and who was one of the most active members.

“Such was the character of this Christian socialism, even where it was most concentrated. In its relation to the co-operation of the north the religious element was yet more thrown into the background. Our connection with these societies came through the law—I mean the English law—not the Gospel. Mr. Hughes, Mr. Ludlow, Mr. Furnivall, another active member of our council, and I, were barristers. The law relating to such societies as we desired to form, and as our northern friends desired to form on their own account, was then very little suitable to our wants. Mr. Slaney, a member of Parliament, who took a great interest in all efforts of the working population to help themselves, got a committee appointed to inquire into the investments of the middle and working classes. Much interesting evidence was given before this committee in 1850 and in 1852. Mr. Slaney introduced into Parliament a bill originally drawn by Mr. Ludlow, with some assistance from me, which was carefully considered by a special committee of the House of Commons, who suggested many improvements in it; and on their report was accepted by the House, and became the original law of ‘Industrial and Provident Societies.’ These operations established, as you will easily suppose, friendly relations between us in London and our friends in the north, who went on and flourished greatly in their distributive societies under the protection given them by the law of 1852; and were in continual communication with Mr. Ludlow, Mr. Hughes, and myself during the next seventeen years as to alterations and amendment of their law, of which there were several in the course of these years, and as to questions of a legal character affecting their business.

“In the meantime the societies formed under our special influence in London had all come to grief. Had it not been for the growth of distributive co-operation in the north the movement would have been at an end in England. And this growth took place spontaneously, with no other help from us than was afforded by the legal assistance that I have mentioned and occasional visits of some one of our body. At last, in 1869, principally through the influence of the late Mr. William Prior, one of the disciples of R. Owen, a conference was held in London, which was continued for four days, and was attended by several delegates from the northern societies. At the conference papers were read on a number of topics of a social character. Discussions were carried on upon them, and an impulse was given to the feeling of union out of which our present organization has arisen. From that time a conference—or, as we call it, a congress—has been held every year in some part of Great Britain. Subscriptions from the societies have been organized. In 1873 a systematic division of Great Britain into districts, for the purposes of propaganda, was established. Sectional committees were appointed in each district, and a united board formed by delegates from them, which has the general direction of the whole movement. Now, with the formation of this organization, the southern influences which had given birth to the notion of Christian socialism began again to make themselves felt. We have supplied more largely than our northern friends the intellectual factor, which has found the material to which to apply itself in the co-operative societies of manufacturing Britain. Thus it is that the ‘Manual for Co-operation,’ which I think must be considered as the most matured and complete exposition of the relation between Christianity and social reform, has come to be accepted by the Co-operative Union, and published at its expense, as a recognized exposition of the views entertained by most of those who endeavor to give a distinct form to their views.”

The Englishman, like the American, is eminently practical. He must find some concrete form in which to embody his ideas. If he cannot now obtain all he desires, he will take what he can get and wait for an opportune moment to gain possession of what remains. He does not cease to think, plan, and even dream, but he spends more time in action than in talk. Thus have the Christian socialists of England, without changing their views, contented themselves for the present with distributive co-operation. They have, however, done far more than to establish co-operative associations. They called attention to the duties and responsibilities of wealth as well as its rights. They induced men to stop and consider whether it might not, after all, be possible to do something to ameliorate the condition of the unfortunate and to improve the poor and degraded. The results have been seen in generous, philanthropic, and, to a large extent, successful endeavors to elevate those low down to a higher plane of life and thought. Legislation has followed, limiting the length of a day’s work, restricting the employment of young children, regulating the labor of women, protecting operatives in factories, and otherwise benefiting the laboring classes. This has counteracted the effects of discontent and dangerous agitation so far as to prevent the violent attempts at revolution, once feared. The humane and enlightened views, which to-day obtain to such an extent in England, are due, far more than is generally supposed, to the warm-hearted zeal of those noble Englishmen who were called Christian socialists.

In Germany, there are two branches of the Christian Socialists, the Protestants and the Roman Catholics.

The Protestant Christian Socialists are not numerous, nor are they sufficiently important to justify much more than the mention of their existence. Their two leaders are Dr. Todt, a pastor, and Dr. Stöcker, court-chaplain, who is known on account of his leadership in the Anti-Semitic agitation in Germany. His part in this latter movement shows how little nobility there is in his nature. I attended one meeting of the Christian Socialists in Berlin. Instead of proposals to ameliorate the condition of laborers, I heard little save abuse of the Jews. When any member of the audience was invited to reply, a bright-appearing young man of twenty or thereabouts came forward and began to talk in a sensible sort of way concerning the position of the Hebrews, but his arguments were soon drowned by the hooting of the rabble. Court-pastor Stöcker bowed him off the stage with mock ceremoniousness. I thought the young man showed to far better advantage than the leader of those whom he was addressing.

The ideas of the Protestant Christian Socialists are rather vague and indefinite. They favor, however, legislation in behalf of the laboring classes similar to that which is now in force in England, and desire a strong monarch to take the lead in measures designed to elevate the toiling masses. They wish also to bring the people back to the Church, that they may enjoy the consolations of religion. Dr. Todt appears to hope for a peaceful introduction of communism, or some form of socialism approaching thereto, in a far-distant future.

Catholic Christian Socialism in Germany is a far more important, a far nobler, movement. Its leading light was the late Bishop of Mainz or Mayence, Baron von Ketteler.

Wilhelm Emanuel Baron von Ketteler was born in 1811, in Münster. He came of an old and honorable family. He studied law, and began his career in the German courts, before he decided to devote himself to the Church. He was ordained as priest in 1844 and was made bishop in 1850.