We gather, then, from these two contemporary writers that a confederacy had been formed, and that even civil war was contemplated by some of the parties. But what occasion, what provocation had the king given for any such extreme and violent course? For several years past, powerful and courageous as he undoubtedly was, his whole course had been one of concession. First, the two earls, disliking the war in Flanders, begged him to excuse them, and to appoint substitutes in their room. He accepted their excuses, and appointed substitutes. They then sent after him to Flanders a request that he would add a new and important clause to Magna Charta, and also would pardon their offences. He granted both of these requests. Next, remembering that they had complained of offences committed by the officers of the forests, he issues, on his return home, a commission to inquire into this matter.[111] Their next demand is for a new perambulation of the forests. This, as a direct aggression, excites his anger; but, after a little consideration, he issues writs conceding this point also. And now he meets his parliament with a mass of “reports of perambulations,” and desires them, in the most conciliatory manner, to counsel him whether they think that these perambulations should stand and be accepted, or whether they desire any other course to be taken. What, then, in the king’s whole conduct had given any ground or provocation for this “confederacy,” in which even civil war was contemplated? Clearly, nothing.

Yet the fact, which is thus briefly stated in the “St. Alban’s Chronicle,” is confirmed by three other documents. In Leland’s “Collectanea” we find extracts from “Pakington’s Chronicle,” one of which runs thus (under the date of 1302): “There was opened to king Edward a conspiracy, wrought by the archbishop of Canterbury and divers counts and barons against him.” Again, William Thorn, a monk of Canterbury, narrating Edward’s speech to Winchelsey, when he remitted him to the pope, states the king to have reminded the archbishop of “the treason which at our parliament at Lincoln you plotted against us.” And, in 1305, Edward, in issuing a new “ordinance of the forest,” says in it that “he was minded that the perambulation should stand, albeit that the thing was sued and demanded in an evil point.” Thus, again and again we find traces of the fact which is stated in the “St. Alban’s Chronicle,” that the archbishop and some of the barons had entered into a “confederacy,” in which war (i.e., rebellion) was seriously contemplated as possible.

Edward’s firmness, moderation, and skill, however, proved more than a match for Winchelsey, and finally extricated him from this perilous situation. While he utterly rejected the demand that he should give up the nomination of his own ministers, and so make the crown a mere shadow, he himself proposed a middle course. Langtoft described him as saying—

“Of this I grant this morn, that ye trie this thing

With six‐and‐twenty sworn,—if I to your asking

May accorde right well, the crowne for to save

Dismembered not a whit,—your asking ye shall have.

“The wisest of the clergie, with erles and barons,

Together went, to trie of their petitions.”

This “select committee” finally brought matters to a practical issue. It must have been judiciously and fairly selected, for while we find on one hand proofs of Winchelsey’s presence and influence, in the reservation of the question as to the taxation of the clergy, the demand for a transfer of the regal authority to parliament in the matter of the nomination of ministers dwindles down to a request that “auditours” be appointed, which request the king declines to grant. The final result is given in the “Parliamentary Writs,” in the shape of a reply of the parliament to the royal message. In that reply the parliament says that “the ‘gentz de la communauté de la terre’ show unto the king that they dare not answer which of the two ways should be adopted, on account of the perils which might ensue.” But, instead of adopting or rejecting the king’s proposal, they submit for his consideration twelve articles or propositions; which, generally, are to the following purport: That the great charters be observed; that all statutes contrary thereto be repealed; that the powers of the justices to be named for the maintenance of the charters be clearly defined; that the perambulations not yet completed be finished by the Michaelmas next ensuing, etc., etc.