In the spring of the year 1303 it began to be apparent that both the pope and the king of France, having no real care or concern for the Scots, would at last withdraw that support which they had hitherto given to the discontented in that country. Philip was anxious to be at liberty to devote his whole attention to the affairs of Flanders; and he readily agreed to a treaty which was made in the course of this spring, by which Edward was restored to the possession of Gascony, without any proviso or stipulation on behalf of the Scotch. No such treaty was required in the case of the pope. Boniface had already done all that he had promised or intended to do in behalf of that people. He had interfered in their favour, and had gained them a respite of one or two years—but permanently to quarrel with such a prince as Edward, in favour of a poor and distant nation like Scotland, was altogether foreign to his interest, as well as to his inclination.
The pope, then, having manifested his views, by addressing a letter to the Scotch bishops, enjoining on them a peaceful and dutiful demeanour towards the king of England, and the treaty with Philip having been fully agreed upon, Edward felt himself, at last, at liberty to turn his undivided attention to the affairs of Scotland; and, with his wonted decision of character, he resolved to bring all questions, in that country, to a termination by one sufficient and well‐considered effort. On the 20th of January he wrote from his castle at Guildford, to more than twenty of his chief barons, desiring them to proceed, with their whole power, to the aid of John de Segrave, the governor of Scotland, who was about to march from Berwick to Edinburgh, and whom he, the king, intended shortly to join.
Before Edward, however, could reach Scotland, Segrave, like earl Warenne at Stirling, had allowed himself, by carelessness and over‐confidence, to be surprised and defeated. He had commenced his march towards Edinburgh with a force of about 20,000 men. But these he had formed into three divisions; and these divisions marched on at a considerable distance from each other, and without keeping up any proper communication. Comyn, one of the so‐called “regents,” and Sir Simon Fraser, lay between Segrave’s force and Edinburgh, with about 8,000 men. They doubtless had good intelligence of Segrave’s movements, and of the disposition of his forces. Very naturally, and very judiciously, they made a night‐march, and took the first division of Segrave’s force by surprise, at the dawn of day; routing and dispersing it, and taking many prisoners. Shortly afterwards the second division came in sight, and the Scotch, still superior in numbers, and exulting in success, attacked and defeated it also. The third division, under Sir Robert Neville, had met with the fugitives from the first two engagements, and were thus warned in time; and they repulsed the Scotch, and recovered some of the prisoners.[117] Still, on the whole, “the battle of Roslyn” was a serious defeat for the English, and hastened Edward’s journey into Scotland, which he reached soon after Easter.
In this engagement at Roslyn, one of the king’s officers, called “Ralph the Cofferer,” was taken prisoner by Sir Simon Fraser. He offered a large ransom; but Fraser himself “first struck off the hands of the unhappy priest, and then severed his head from his body.”[118]
This same Fraser afterwards craved Edward’s mercy, and received it, on condition of leaving the country. This promise, like almost every other engagement made at that time by Scotchmen, was unblushingly violated, and Fraser was again found in arms against that sovereign who had already granted him his life. He was taken and executed as a traitor, and his execution is one of those which are said to “brand Edward’s memory with the charge of cruelty.” The position, in fact, which is taken by most Scottish writers, seems to be this: that these men, because they were in arms for “independence,” were entitled to commit any atrocity that they pleased; but that, when the fortune of war went against them, it was Edward’s duty to grant them, at least, a free pardon, and in some cases a reward!
The momentary advantage gained by the Scotch at Roslyn had no influence on the fate of the campaign. Edward arrived in Scotland soon after Easter, having summoned his military tenants to meet him at Roxburgh by Whitsuntide. He then passed on to Edinburgh “without challenge or interruption,” in the early part of June. He himself marched up the eastern side of the kingdom, having given his son the command of a division which proceeded along the western coast. Having been warned, by the experience of the last four years, of the difficulties created by the devastating system, the king had now made ample provision, and his fleets accompanied his march with abundant supplies. From Edinburgh he proceeded, by Linlithgow and Clackmannan, to Perth. But this march involved the passage of the Forth—the attempt to pass which river had occasioned earl Warenne’s defeat at Stirling. Lord Hailes and Mr. Tytler differ as to Edward’s plans. Hailes says—“The Scotch fondly imagined that Edward would attempt to force the passage” of the narrow bridge, as Cressingham had done. “But the prudence of Edward frustrated their expectations. Having discovered a ford at some distance, he crossed the river at the head of his whole cavalry.”[119] This ford, it will be remembered, had been mentioned to earl Warenne in 1297, by Sir Richard Lundin. Mr. Tytler, however, thinks that “Edward did intend to pass the river by the bridge; which, on his arrival, he found had been destroyed by the Scots.” He observes that, “had the leaders profited by the lesson taught them by Wallace, they would have kept up the bridge, and attacked the English when defiling over it.”[120]
A singular notion Mr. Tytler must have had of the sagacity of a commander of whose military skill he often speaks with admiration, to suppose it possible that he could have repeated the folly and misconduct of Cressingham and Warenne, with the lamentable results of which he was so well acquainted. It is true, indeed, that Edward, prepared for all contingencies, would have passed the river by a bridge, if the fords had been found impracticable. Peter Langtoft explains the whole transaction:—
“Counsel he had of one, a bridge he should wrihte (erect),
Boats and barges ilkon, with flukes to make them tighte,