Spanish and Portuguese South America during the Colonial Period; Vol. 1 of 2

by Robert Grant Watson

The Chilians, having adopted a settled mode of life, collected themselves into families in the districts best adapted for agriculture, where they established themselves in large villages. These settlements consisted of a number of huts irregularly distributed. In each village there was a chief called Ulmen, subject to the supreme ruler of the tribe. This dignity was hereditary, which argues a certain antiquity and likewise a peaceful rather than a warlike mode of living, since in the latter state military ascendancy is apt to overrule the hereditary principle. The right of private property was fully recognized. Each man was absolute proprietor of the field which he cultivated and of the product of his industry, which he could transmit to his children. The houses, which were quadrangular and roofed with rushes, were enclosed by walls of wood plastered with clay, and sometimes with walls of bricks, the art of making which they had acquired from Peru. From the wool of the camel they manufactured cloth for garments, using the distaff and spindle. They were familiar with the use of the needle, and were so far advanced in taste as to admire embroidery.

The clay of the country lent itself to arts of another description,—to the production of plates, cups, jars, &c., for varnishing which a certain mineral earth was employed. The Chilians likewise possessed vessels of hard wood and of marble. The earth yielded gold, silver, copper, tin, and lead. From their bell-metal they constructed axes, hatchets, and other edged tools; and they alone of all the races or nations of America possessed a word for iron, although it is to be added that no iron implements have as yet been discovered in Chili. The natives likewise were familiar with the art of extracting salt. They possessed dyes of all colours, not only from plants but likewise from minerals; whilst in lieu of soap they employed the bark of the quillai, and obtained oil from the seeds of the madi. From various vegetables they manufactured baskets and mats, and from others thread for ropes and fishing-nets. In fishing they employed baskets and hooks, and on the sea-coast used floats of wood or of inflated seal-skins.

Hunting was to them, as to us, an amusement. In this pursuit they employed the arrow, the sling, and the noose, together with snares of several kinds. It is a singular fact that two races, living so far apart as those inhabiting China and Chili, should have employed the same artifice for entrapping wild-fowl on the water, namely, for a man to glide amongst them, his head being concealed in a perforated gourd. They were familiar with the use of numbers, their language possessing the words signifying ten, a hundred, and a thousand respectively, and, like that of the Romans, stopping at that number. Their transactions were noted by skeins of thread of various colours, with a number of knots. They had not attained to the art of writing, although their language contains a word signifying to sketch or to paint. In the latter art, however, they were exceedingly primitive. But their chief progress was in the sciences of physic and astronomy. Such was the people who had been handed over by Charles V. to the tender mercies of Almagro and his followers, whose presence came on them and their promising civilization as the frost on the blossoms of spring.

1535.

The history of Chili, in so far as the connection of that country with Europe is concerned, begins at the close of the year 1535, when Almagro set out from Peru with a force composed of five hundred and seventy Spaniards and some fifteen thousand Peruvians, the latter being under the command of the brother of the Inca Manco. His march has been already briefly described in the preceding chapter. His army, after many conflicts with the natives, became entangled in the Cordilleras at the beginning of winter, being destitute of provisions and ill-supplied with clothing. The few mountain paths were obliterated by the snow. With their accustomed intrepidity, the Spaniards surmounted the perilous heights; but a hundred and fifty of their number, and, it is said, some ten thousand Peruvians, perished from the cold. It is, indeed, computed that none would have escaped but for the energy of Almagro, who, pushing on with a few horsemen, sent back to his followers a timely supply of provisions, which he found in abundance at Copiapo. The survivors of his army reached the plains of that fertile province, where they were well received by the inhabitants.

The Inca’s brother, Paullu, who seems to have had the Spaniards’ interests at heart as being identical with his own, was the first to point out to them the importance of their conquest. He obliged the peasants to deliver up to him all the gold in their possession, by which means he collected a sum equivalent to 500,000 ducats, which he presented to Almagro. The Spanish leader, imagining he had another Peru before him, made over this sum to his followers. He was naturally of a generous disposition, and has been lauded for his action on this occasion;[L] but if we reflect on the source from which his largesse sprung, we are reminded of the old saying respecting generosity at the expense of others. As, in addition to the plunder with which he was already gorged, he had the prospect of ample riches before him, his conduct may be compared to that of the chief of a foreign force which we may imagine to be in possession of London, and who, having shared in the spoil of the Bank of England, should liberally make over the treasure at Messrs. Coutts’ to his followers, with the intention of emptying the tills of Messrs. Drummond’s and other banks into their own coffers.

At Copiapo Almagro imitated the conduct of Pizarro in Peru in assuming the office of umpire between contending native authorities. The reigning Ulmen, it appears, had usurped the government of his nephew. Shocked at this instance of high-handed conduct, the worthy Spanish freebooter caused the guilty chief to be arrested; and the natives were simple enough to impute the re-settlement of their hereditary ruler to a sense of abstract justice on the part of the heaven-sent newcomer. Almagro’s followers soon recovered from their fatigues amongst the beautiful villages of Copiapo, and being strengthened by reinforcements brought up by Orgoñez, were soon in a condition to resume their march towards the south. Meanwhile an incident occurred which showed the confiding people that there were two sides to the character of the liberal and just Almagro.

Two soldiers having left the army had proceeded to Goasco, where they were at first well received by the inhabitants, but where they afterwards met their death, which they had in all probability provoked, if they had not richly deserved it. Their fate, however, showed the Chilians that the invaders were mortal, and therefore caused concern to the latter’s chief. Almagro, on learning it, proceeded to Coquimbo, where he summoned before him the Ulmen of the district, as well as his brother and twenty of the principal inhabitants, and the ex-usurping Ulmen of Copiapo. It was no doubt right and reasonable on his part to institute an inquiry into the circumstances attending the death of his two soldiers, and no one could blame him for exacting due punishment on any persons who should be shown to have deserved it in the matter; but it would be hopeless to look for any considerations of justice in one so above all law as Almagro. The twenty-three innocent men, who had had nothing whatsoever to do with the soldiers’ death, were one and all committed to the flames. Such was the Chilians’ first experience of the gratitude of their Christian invaders for the hospitable reception they had met with. It is right to add that the greater part of his army openly disapproved of this savage proceeding on the part of their chief Almagro, who in his subsequent fate must be held to be beyond the pale of sympathy.

1537.

In 1537 Almagro received a further reinforcement under Juan de Rada, and he was at the same time urged by letters from his friends in Peru to return to that country and to take possession of Cuzco. He, however, pursued his march and passed the river Cachapoal, notwithstanding the remonstrances of his Peruvian followers, who dreaded to enter the country of the warlike Promaucians. As usually happened, the aspect of the Spaniards, with their horses and firearms, struck terror into their opponents. These, however, recovering from their surprise, regained at the same time their wonted intrepidity. A battle took place on the Rio-Claro. The Peruvians, who were in the front, were soon routed; and although the Spaniards, after a furious struggle, which lasted until nightfall, remained masters of the field, the enemy were in no degree dismayed. They were prepared to renew the attack next morning; but the Spaniards had had enough of fighting for the present, and resolved by common consent to retreat rather than face a campaign before so warlike a people. A portion of Almagro’s force would have formed a settlement in northern Chili; but it was their leader’s object not to lessen his strength, and he accordingly retreated with his whole band towards Cuzco.