After having admired the magnificent prospect around, Cortes requested of Montezuma to shew us their gods. After consulting with his priests, he led us into a kind of saloon in a tower, having a timber roof richly wrought, under which stood two altars highly adorned, and behind these two gigantic figures resembling very fat men. That on the right was Huitzilopochtli, the god of war, having a broad face and terrible eyes, all covered over with gold and jewels, and having his body twisted round with golden serpents. His right hand held a bow, and in his left there was a bundle of arrows. Round his neck was a string of the figures of human heads and hearts made of pure gold, intermixed with precious stones of a blue colour. Close by him stood a small image representing his page, carrying a lance and shield richly adorned with gold and jewels. Before the great idol stood a pan of fire, in which three hearts of human victims were then burning along with copal. The whole walls and floor of the apartment was stained with human blood, and had a most offensive smell, worse than any slaughter-house. On the left of Huitzilopochtli stood another gigantic figure, having a countenance like a bear, with great shining eyes. The name of this last was Tezcatlipoca, who was said to be the god of the infernal regions, and to preside over the souls of men[1]. He was likewise considered as the brother of the god of war. His body was covered all over with figures representing little devils with tails of serpents, and was richly adorned with gold and jewels. Before this idol lay an offering of five human hearts. On the summit of the whole temple was a recess having its wood-work very highly ornamented, where we saw a figure half human and the rest like an alligator, all inlaid with jewels, and partly covered by a mantle. He was considered as the germ and origin of all created things, and was worshipped as the god of harvests and fruits. Here likewise the walls and altar were stained with blood like the others, and so offensive that we were glad to retire in all haste. In this place there stood a drum of prodigious size, the head of which was made of the skin of a large serpent, which resounded, when struck, with a noise that might be heard at the distance of two leagues, and gave out a sound so doleful, that it might be named the drum of hell. This dreadful drum, the horrid sound of their horns and trumpets, and the shocking sight of their great sacrificial knives, the remnants of human victims, and their blood-stained altars and fanes, made me anxious to get away from this horrible scene of human butchery, detestable smells, and abominable sights.
[1] Clavigero calls this the god of providence, the soul of the world, the creator of heaven and earth, and the master of ill things, the rewarder of the just and the punisher of the wicked.--E.
Addressing himself to Montezuma, half jest half earnest, Cortes expressed his astonishment how so wise a prince could adore such absurd and wicked gods; and proposed to substitute the cross on the summit of the tower, and the images of the Holy Virgin and her ever-blessed SON in the adoratories, instead of those horrid idols, assuring him that he would soon be convinced of the vanity of his idolatry, and the deception practised on him by these inhuman priests. Montezuma was much displeased with these expressions, saying that he would not have admitted us to the temple if he had known we were to insult his gods, who dispensed health, good harvests, seasonable weather, and victory, and whom they were bound in duty and gratitude to adore. Cortes dropped the subject and proposed to withdraw, to which Montezuma assented, observing that he must remain, and atone by an expiatory sacrifice for having admitted us into the temple. Cortes then took leave of the king, and we descended the steps, to the great inconvenience of our invalids. If I am not quite so correct as I wish and ought to be in many of the things which I relate and describe, I must beg my readers to consider the situation in which I then served, being under the necessity of giving more attention to the orders of my officers than to the surrounding objects of curiosity. The temple which we had just visited covered a prodigious extent of ground, and diminished gradually from the base to the platform on the top, having five concavities like barbicans between the middle and the top, but without parapets. On the broad platform of the summit there was a tower in which the images were placed. But as there are many paintings of temples in the possession of the conquerors, one of which I have, it will be easy to form an idea of the structure of this temple from these representations[2]. It was said by the Mexicans, that numerous offerings of gold, silver, jewels, productions of the earth, and human victims were deposited under the foundations of this great temple at the time of its erection; and it is certain, when the ground on which it stood was afterwards dug up for the church of St Jago, that we found great quantities of gold, silver, and other valuables on sinking the new foundations. A Mexican also, who obtained a grant of part of this ground, discovered a considerable treasure, about which there was a law-suit for the royal interest. This account was confirmed by King Guatimotzin, who assured us that the circumstances were recorded in ancient historical paintings. At a small distance from the great temple, there stood a tower, having a gate or entrance always open, like the mouth of an enormous monster, ready to devour those who entered this hell or habitation of the demons. At this horrible door there stood many frightful idols, beside which there was a place for sacrifice, and within there were pots full of water ready to boil the flesh of the victims, which formed the horrible repasts of the priests. The idols were like serpents and devils, and the place, all smeared over with human blood, was furnished with knives for sacrifice like the slaughter-house of a butcher. In another part of the buildings there were great piles of wood, and a reservoir of water supplied by a pipe from the great aqueduct of Chapoltepec. In one of the courts there was a temple, all besmeared with blood and soot, surrounded by the tombs of the Mexican nobility. In another court there were immense piles of human bones, all regularly arranged. Every temple had its peculiar idols, and each its regular establishment of priests, who were dressed in long black vestments, something between the dress of our canons and the Dominican friars. They all wore their hair long and clotted with blood, and their ears were all lacerated in honour of their abominable idols. At some distance from the temple of the tombs, there was another of which the idols were said to preside over marriages; and all the courts were surrounded by low houses for the priests and their numerous assistants. Hard by these was a large building in which great numbers of the Mexican young women resided, as in a nunnery, till they were married. They were devoted to the worship of two female deities, who presided over marriages, to whom they sacrificed in order to obtain good husbands. I have thus been diffuse in describing this great temple, as it was by far the largest and most splendid in Mexico; yet the temple of Cholula was still higher, having 120 steps. This was built on a different plan from that of Mexico, and was held in high veneration by the natives. The temple of Tezcuco also was very large, being ascended by 117 steps, and all these differed in their structure, though they all agreed in having a number of outer courts, and a double inclosure. Every province of this country had its own peculiar gods, who were supposed to have no concern with those of other provinces, so that its gods and idols were quite innumerable. Having effectually fatigued ourselves in examining the objects I have just described, we retired to our quarters.
[2] Along with the work of Bernal Diaz, and in the history of Mexico by Clavigero, there are representations of ancient Mexican temples. In both they consist of six frustums of truncated pyramids, placed above each other, having a gallery or open walk around at each junction, and straight outside stairs reaching between each gallery, not unlike the representations that have been ideally formed of the tower of Babel.--E.
As Montezuma was entirely adverse to the proposal of Cortes for converting the great temple of Mexico into a Christian church, he was exceedingly desirous to have a chapel and altar in our quarters, and made application to Montezuma through one of his principal nobles to have materials for this purpose. This request was immediately complied with, and as abundance of timber and native workmen were sent immediately, it was completed in three days. In this new chapel mass was celebrated every day, though we lamented the want of wine for the holy eucharist, as it had been all expended during the illness of Cortes, Olmedo, and others, while we were in the dominions of Tlascala. We were extremely regular in our devotions, both because it was our duty, and that we might impress a favourable opinion of our holy religion on Montezuma and his subjects. While our carpenters were looking out for a proper place in which to fix the holy cross of our chapel, they observed the appearance of a door in one of the walls of our quarters which had been closed up. Cortes caused this to be privately opened, and an apartment was found within, in which countless riches were deposited. The secret soon transpired, and we went all to view the concealed treasury. I was then a young man, and it seemed to me that all the treasures of the world gathered together could not have reached the amount of what we then saw. It was thought prudent to close up the door of this place, and to conceal our knowledge of it and its contents to a proper opportunity.
About this time Cortes convened a council of four captains and twelve soldiers, of those in whom he had most confidence, among whom I was, in order to consult upon our present situation and future procedure. Having duly considered how obviously we had been hitherto guided and preserved by the mercy of GOD, and how the natives, though now kind, might soon change through their native fickleness, and notwithstanding the present hospitality of Montezuma, he might at any time plot our destruction, we unanimously resolved, on the suggestion of Cortes, that the most effectual measure for our security was to make that monarch our prisoner and the guarantee of our safety. We knew not but we might all be poisoned in our food, and no gift which he could make us, not even all his fathers treasures which we had just discovered, could compensate to us for the continual alarms in which we lived. Some of the officers present at the council, proposed to induce Montezuma by some plausible pretext to come to our quarters, when we could easily seize him without resistance or danger. It was observed by some of our soldiers, that we were not now so plentifully supplied with provisions by the royal officers as at our first coming; and that our interpreter, Aguilar, had been secretly informed by two of our Tlascalan allies, that they had noticed several indications of evil intentions towards us among the Mexicans, for the last two days. After a long consultation, we agreed to adjourn the consideration of the means of executing our resolution till next day; and in the meantime the reverend Father Olmedo was consulted on the subject, and we prayed GOD to guide and direct our proceedings for the best, in our present ticklish and dangerous situation. Next day, two Tlascalans arrived secretly with letters from Villa Rica, with an account that Escalente and six Spaniards had been slain in a battle with the Mexicans, and that the inhabitants of Chempoalla and the neighbouring mountains, who had submitted to us, had revolted back to the Mexican government, refusing to supply provisions, or to work on the fortifications, insomuch, that the remaining garrison of Villa Rica were in much distress and knew not how to act. These letters said likewise, that the high opinion which the natives had adopted with respect to the Spaniards was much altered for the worse, since they found they could be killed like other men. This intelligence gave us much affliction. It was the first defeat we had experienced since our landing; and had produced a most alarming change in our situation, and in the opinions of the Mexicans. Before this, we were in possession of wealth, and were considered as invulnerable, and almost like demigods; but were now lowered in the estimation of the natives, almost to a level with themselves, in whose power we were. It now seemed more necessary than ever to our very existence that we should secure the person of Montezuma; considering that if we failed in the attempt, we might as well perish in what seemed our only chance of safety, as wait to be overwhelmed by the whole power of the Mexican empire. Before I proceed to narrate the sequel of our transactions in Mexico, I shall give an account of the misfortune which befel Escalente[3].
[3] Clavigero pretends that the defeat and death of Escalante were known to Cortes and his followers while at Cholula. This is highly improbable, both from the narrative of Diaz, and because Cortes would not certainly have put himself entirely in the power of Montezuma, after this unequivocal demonstration of resolute enmity.--E.
It has been already mentioned, that about thirty native chiefs of districts in the neighbourhood of Villa Rica, had voluntarily submitted to our government at Chiahuitztla. After our little army had penetrated to the capital of the Mexican empire, the commander of a garrison belonging to Montezuma endeavoured to levy contributions from some of these our new subjects: and when this was represented to Escalente, who commanded at Villa Rica, he sent orders to the Mexican officers to desist, as otherwise he would be under the necessity of chastising them, though he wished to remain in peace and friendship with the subjects of Mexico. To this the Mexican officers sent a haughty reply, saying that he would find them in the field. On receiving this answer, Escalente, who was a brave man, set out with forty of his own soldiers, and two thousand of our allies of the Totanaca nation to march against the Mexicans, whom he found pillaging the country, and immediately attacked them. Our allies were always afraid of the Mexicans, and fled at the first shower of arrows, leaving the Spaniards to get out of the scrape as well as they might. They made their retreat with great difficulty to Villa Rica[4], where Escalente and six of his soldiers died of their wounds. A Spanish soldier named Arguello, of great bodily strength, with a large head, and thick frizzled beard, was taken alive, but died of his wounds. The Mexican captains reported the whole of this affair to Montezuma, to whom they brought the head of Arguello; and it is said that Montezuma trembled when he beheld it, and ordered it to be taken out of the way. He reproached his captains for not having overwhelmed the whole of that small number of Spaniards with their numerous forces; but they alleged that a supernatural being fought against them, assisting and encouraging the Spaniards, and struck terror into their men.
[4] In the original of Diaz they are said to have retreated to Almeria, but this is an obvious mistake. Almeria, according to Clavigero, II. 55, was the name given by the Spaniards to Nauhtlan, a city on the coast of the Gulf of Mexico, thirty-six miles north of Villa Rica, which was governed by Quauhpopoca for Montezuma, and by whom the Mexican detachment was commanded by which Escalente was defeated.--E.
Having finally resolved to seize Montezuma, we spent the whole night before proceeding on that hazardous enterprize in earnest prayer to GOD, that what we were about to do might redound to his holy service; and in the morning we arranged the manner in which this our resolution was to be executed. Our cavalry and infantry were all ordered to be in readiness for instant action, and as it was usual with us to go always fully armed, this circumstance gave no suspicion to the Mexicans. Leaving the whole of his forces prepared to act in case of need, Cortes proceeded to the palace, attended by five of his captains, Alvarado, Sandoval, De Leon, De Lugo, and Avila[5], with the interpreters Donna Marina and Aguilar, having first sent a message to the king, intimating his intention to wait upon him. Montezuma supposed that this visit of Cortes was on occasion of the affair which had lately occurred at Chiahuitztla, and that our general was much displeased on that account, yet sent back that he would be glad to see him. Our general, and we that were with him, immediately went to the royal apartment, and after paying his respects as usual, Cortes addressed Montezuma to the following effect through his interpreters: "He was astonished that so brave and magnanimous a monarch, who had shewn so much friendship for us on all occasions, should have clandestinely given orders to his troops in Totonacapan[6] to make an attack upon the Spaniards whom he had left at Villa Rica, in which one of them had been killed, and our allies the Totonacas had been pillaged and destroyed without mercy." Cortes intentionally concealed the death of Escalente and his six soldiers, not wishing that the extent of our loss on this occasion should be known to the Mexicans. He then charged Montezuma as the author of the treachery which had been attempted against us in Cholula, saying, that he had hitherto refrained from speaking on that subject, from motives of esteem and respect; but, from the late hostile attack by his governor of Totonacapan, and having learned that the officers of the court were plotting to cut us off in Mexico, it became necessary for us to use effectual measures to secure our safety. For this purpose therefore, and in order to prevent the ruin of the city of Mexico, it was necessary that his majesty should go immediately to our quarters, assuring him if he gave the smallest alarm, or made any resistance, the officers and soldiers then present would put him instantly to death. On hearing this proposal Montezuma was so petrified with terror and amazement that he seemed to have lost all sensation for a time. After recovering a little, he positively denied having given any orders to Quauhpopoca the governor of Nauhtlan to attack our troops under Escalente; and taking from his wrist the signet of Huitzilopochtli, which he employed on all occasions of importance to confirm and enforce his orders, he gave it to one of his officers whom he commanded to bring Quauhpopoca to court without delay to answer for his conduct. Then assuming a dignified air, he declined the proposal of quitting his palace with disdain, declaring that he would not be constrained to take so humiliating a step. Cortes endeavoured to explain the necessity of his immediate compliance, and the king persisted in his refusal, so that the conversation drew to considerable length, half an hour at least having elapsed. The captains who accompanied Cortes became impatient of delay, fearing that great numbers of the Mexicans might collect to the rescue of their sovereign, and that we should be oppressed under superior force. In this dilemma, De Leon exclaimed in his rough voice to Cortes: "Why, Sir, do you waste so many words? Tell him, that if he does not instantly yield himself our prisoner, we will plunge our swords into his body: Let us now assure our lives or perish." Montezuma was much struck with the manner in which De Leon expressed himself, and asked Donna Marina what he had said. She answered with much discretion, by mildly advising him to consent immediately to go along with us, assuring him that he would be treated with all the honour and respect he could desire, whereas she was convinced we would put him to death if he refused or even hesitated. Montezuma then offered to put his legitimate son and two daughters into the hands of Cortes, as hostages, and earnestly entreated that he might not be exposed before his subjects as a prisoner. But Cortes assured him that nothing short of what had been originally proposed could satisfy us, and that all remonstrances were unavailing. At last he was obliged to consent, saying, "I trust myself with you, let us go! let us go! since the gods will have it so." Our captains gave him every assurance of their perfect esteem and respect, begging of him not to be offended at their conduct, which was indispensably necessary to their own safety, and requested that he would say to his officers that he went of his own free will, and by the advice of his gods and priests. His magnificent state litter was now brought for his accommodation, and he proceeded to our quarters in his accustomed pomp, attended by his guards, where he was received and entertained with every mark of respect; yet our posts and centinels were properly placed in every direction to guard against his escape or rescue. He was soon waited on by the princes of his family, and all the principal Mexican nobles, who came to inquire the reason of this change of abode, and whether it was his wish that they should attack us. But he told them that he intended to remain with us for a few days, and commanded them to take no steps which might disturb the peace of the city.