Our new allies on the lake had suffered considerably from the resentment of the enemy, who had taken from them above half their canoes: Yet some continued firm in their alliance with us, out of hatred to the Mexicans; and others satisfied themselves with looking on, without attempting to molest us. In consequence of our recent losses, having lost near eighty men, killed and prisoners, and seven horses, and almost all the rest of us being wounded, Cortes issued orders to cease from our attacks for four days. But the enemy continued their attacks daily, and even gained ground, making new ramparts and ditches. We had a deep ditch and very defensible ramparts in front of our post; and during this cessation from offensive operations, the whole of our infantry kept guard on the causeway every night, flanked by our brigantines, one half of our cavalry patroling in Tacuba, and the other half on the causeway to protect our rear. Every morning we prepared ourselves to resist the attacks of the enemy, who continued every day to sacrifice some of our miserable companions. During their daily and incessant attacks, they reviled us, saying, that their gods had promised to permit them to destroy us all within eight days; yet that our flesh was too bitter to be eaten: And truly I believe that this was miraculously the case. The threats of the Mexicans, and their declaration that their gods had promised to deliver us into their hands in eight days, had such an effect upon our allies, combined with the bad appearance of our affairs, that they almost entirely deserted from us about this time. The only one who remained with Cortes, was Suchel, otherwise called Don Carlos, brother to our ally the prince of Tezcuco, with about forty followers. The chief of Huexotzinco remained in the camp of Sandoval with about fifty of his warriors; and the brave Chichimecatl, with the two sons of Don Lorenzo de Vargas of Tlascala, and about eighty Tlascalans, continued with us in the quarters of Alvarado. When they were asked the reason of the desertion of their countrymen, they said, that the Mexican gods had predicted our destruction, and the younger Xicotencatl had foretold from the first we should all be put to death; they saw that many of us were killed and all wounded, and they had already had above twelve hundred of their own number slain; And, considering us all devoted to inevitable ruin, they had fled to avoid sharing our fate. Though Cortes secretly thought there was too much reason in what they alleged, he yet assumed a cheerful appearance of perfect security as to the ultimate result of the enterprize, and used his utmost endeavours to reassure our remaining friends, turning the hopes and predictions of the Mexicans and the promises of their false gods into ridicule, and had the good fortune to persuade our few remaining friends to abide with us. The Indian Don Carlos, or Suchel of Tezcuco, who was a brave warrior and a wise man, strongly represented to our general that he had hitherto acted on a most erroneous plan, especially considering the relative situations of us and the enemy. "If you cut off their means of procuring water and provisions," he observed, "how is it possible that the many xiquipils[8] of warriors can subsist? Their provisions must be at last expended: The water of their wells is salt and unwholesome, and their only resource is from the present rainy season. Combat them, therefore, by means of hunger and thirst, and do not throw away your own force by unnecessary violence." Cortes embraced Suchel, thanking him for his salutary advice; which indeed had already more than once occurred to ourselves, but we were too impatient to act with so much prudence. Our general began therefore to act upon this new system, so judiciously recommended by our friend of Tezcuco, and sent orders to all the detachments to confine themselves entirely to the defensive for the next three days. As the canoes of the enemy were numerous, our brigantines never ventured singly on the lake; and as they had now found out the way to break through the pallisades of the enemy, by using both sails and oars when favoured by the wind, we became absolute masters of the lake, and were able to command all the insulated houses at any distance from the city; and as the brigantines could now break through the pallisades of the enemy, they could always secure our flanks, while we were engaged in filling up the ditches in our front, which we did effectually in a very few days, Cortes even assisting in person to carry beams and earth for that purpose.
[8] On some former occasions the xiquipil has been already explained as denoting eight thousand men.--E.
Every night of this period during which we remained on the defensive, the enemy continued their infernal ceremonies, sacrificing some of our unfortunate companions, which we could distinctly see as their temple was brightly illuminated; the accursed drum continually stunned our ears, and the shrieks and yells of the multitudes who surrounded the temple were at times perfectly diabolical. Christoval de Guzman was the last executed, who remained eighteen days in their hands. We learned every minute circumstance respecting these horrible sacrifices from our prisoners, who told us, that after each successive sacrifice, their war god renewed his promise of delivering us all into their power. Sometimes, even during this period, the enemy employed some of our own crossbows against us, obliging our unfortunate companions who were in their custody to shoot them off; but our post was protected by the excellent management of the two guns by Morena, and we every day advanced, gaining possession of a bridge or a parapet. Our brigantines also were of infinite service, as they were continually intercepting the canoes which carried water and provisions to the enemy, and those which were employed in procuring a certain nutritive substance from the bottom of the lake, which, when dry, resembles cheese. Twelve or thirteen days had now elapsed after the time when the Mexican priest had predicted we had only eight days to live. Our allies, therefore, recovered their courage when they saw the fallacy of the prediction, and at the requisition of our steady friend Suchel, two thousand warriors of Tezcuco returned to our quarters, with whom came Pedro Farfan and Antonio Villareal, who had been left by Cortes at that city. About the same time, many bodies of warriors returned to us from Tlascala and other places in our alliance. After their return, Cortes called the chiefs together, to whom he made a speech; partly reprimanding them for having abandoned us, and partly encouraging their future fidelity by confident hopes of victory, and promises of reward, and concluded by earnestly admonishing them not to put any of their Mexican prisoners to death, as he wished to negociate peace with Guatimotzin.
Though the heavy rains which fell at this season were both incommodious and distressing to us, they operated in our favour, as the enemy always relaxed their efforts against us during their continuance. By slow but steady perseverance, we had now considerably advanced into the city at all the three attacks, and had even reached the wells of brackish water which the enemy had dug, and which we now destroyed. Our cavalry could now act freely through the whole space which we had gained, as we had carefully levelled the causeway behind us, destroying all the houses on each side from which we could be annoyed, and carefully fortified our several fronts. Cortes deemed the present conjuncture favourable for offering peace to the Mexicans, and proposed to three of our principal prisoners to carry a message to Guatimotzin to that effect; but they declined the commission, alleging that he would put them to death. They were at length prevailed upon to comply, and were instructed to represent to Guatimotzin in the name of Cortes: "That from respect to the family of the great Montezuma, and that he might prevent the destruction of the capital and the loss of so many lives, he was willing to enter into a treaty of peace and amity; desiring Guatimotzin to reflect that he and his people were now cut off from all supplies of water and provisions; and that all the nations who had formerly been the vassals of Mexico, were now in alliance with the Spaniards." A great deal more was added, to the same effect, all of which was perfectly understood by the messengers. Before they went into the city, they required a letter from Cortes, to serve them as a token of credence; with which they waited on their sovereign, weeping and lamenting themselves bitterly, as they knew the danger to which they were exposed. At first, Guatimotzin and his principal chiefs were filled with rage and indignation at the proposal; but he at last consented to call a council of all the princes, chiefs, and principal priests of the city, before whom he laid the message of Cortes, and even expressed his own inclination to come into terms of peace, considering the inefficacy of their resistance, the desertion of their allies, and the miseries to which the people were reduced. The priests obstinately opposed every idea of peace. They represented the hostile conduct of the Spaniards to their nation ever since they first came into the country; their profanation of the temples and idols of their gods; their injurious treatment of the great Montezuma, and of all the other princes who had fallen under their power; the death of the two sons of Montezuma, the seizure of the royal treasures, and the destruction of the city. They reminded Guatimotzin of his own martial fame, which would be sullied and disgraced by submission; insisting, that all the offers of Cortes were only insidiously meant to enslave and circumvent; and concluded by repeating the assurances of victory which they had received from their gods. Guatimotzin yielded to these arguments, and declared his resolution to fight to the last: He gave orders, therefore, to husband their provisions with the utmost frugality, to use their utmost endeavours to procure supplies under night, and to sink new wells in various parts of the city. Our army had remained two days quietly in their posts, waiting an answer to our pacific message. On the third, we were furiously assailed on all points by large bodies of the enemy, who rushed upon us like lions, closing up as if utterly regardless of their lives, and using their utmost efforts to make us prisoners; all the while, the horn of Guatimotzin being continually sounded, to inspire them with fury. For seven days we were thus continually assailed: After watching all night, we had to go into action every morning at day-break; and having fought the whole day, we retired in the evening to a miserable regale of maize calces, with tunas or Indian figs, herbs, and agi or pepper. Our recent pacific offer was employed as a subject of contempt, for which they reproached us as cowards; saying that peace belonged only to women, arms and war to brave men.
It has been already mentioned, that the horrible fragments of our wretched companions had been sent round the provinces of the Mexican empire, to encourage them to rise in support of the sovereign and his capital. In consequence of this, a great force assembled from Matlatzinco, Malinalco, and other places about eight leagues from Mexico, which was intended for an attack on our rear, while the Mexicans should attack us in front. On the assemblage of this force, they committed horrible ravages on the country in our rear, seizing numbers of children in order to sacrifice them to their idols. To disperse this hostile assemblage, Andres de Tapia was detached with twenty cavalry and an hundred infantry, and effectually executed his commission, driving the enemy back to their own country with great loss. Soon after his return, Cortes sent Sandoval with a detachment to the assistance of the country around Quauhnahuac, or Cuernabaca. Much might be said of this expedition, were I to enter into a detail: but it may suffice, that it was more like a peaceable triumph than a warlike expedition, yet proved of most excellent service to us, as Sandoval returned accompanied by two chiefs of the nation against which he was sent[9]. Cortes, after these successes, sent a second message to Guatimotzin, reminding him of the distresses to which his people were reduced, and expressing great anxiety to save the city of Mexico from destruction, which could only be done by immediate submission; and to convince him that all hopes of assistance from his former allies were now at an end, he sent this message by the two chiefs who had accompanied Sandoval. Guatimotzin refused any answer, but sent back the chiefs unhurt. The enemy continued their daily assaults upon the advanced works of our several attacks, increasing even in their fury if possible, and exultingly exclaiming, Tenitotz re de Castila? Tenitotz axa a! "What says the king of Castile? What does he now?"
[9] Clavigero, II. 180, supplies the brevity used by Diaz on this occasion. He says that the chiefs of the districts of Matlatzinco, Malinalco, and Cohuixco came to Cortes and entered into a confederacy with him against Mexico; by which means, added to his former alliances, he was now able to have employed "more warriors against Mexico than Xerxes did against Greece." Clavigero everywhere deals in monstrous exaggeration, while Diaz is uniformly modest, and within due bounds of credibility. Even in the few miracles of which Diaz makes mention, his credulity is modestly guarded by devout fear of the holy office.--E.
We still continued to advance towards the centre of Mexico, regularly destroying the houses on both sides of us, and carefully fortifying our advanced post; and we now perceived a considerable relaxation in the efforts of the enemy, who were not so eager as formerly to open up the ditches; yet they continued to attack us with the utmost fury, as if courting death. But we too had now serious cause of alarm, as our gunpowder was almost entirely expended. At this critical moment, and most fortunately for us, a vessel arrived at Villa Rica with soldiers and ordnance stores, all of which, together with the men, were immediately sent to Cortes by Rangel, who commanded at Villa Rica. This vessel belonged to an armament which had been fitted out by Lucas Vasquez de Aillon, and which had been destroyed or dispersed near Florida. On the arrival of this reinforcement, Cortes and all the army determined to make a grand push for the great square in that part of the city called Tlaltelolco, as it would become an excellent place of arms, on account of some principal temples and other strong buildings which were there situated. For this purpose, each of our divisions continued their daily efforts to advance in our usual cautious manner. Cortes got possession of a small square in which were some temples, on the beams of which many of the heads of our sacrificed companions were placed, their hair and beards being much grown. I could not have believed this, if I had not myself seen them three days afterwards, when our party had worked their way to the same place, after having filled up three canals. In twelve days afterwards, they were all reverently buried by us in that place where the Church of the Martyrs is now built.
Our detachment under Alvarado continued to advance, and at last forced the enemy from the barricades they had thrown up to defend the great square, which cost us two hours hard fighting. Our cavalry was now of most essential service in the large space which was now laid open, and drove the enemy before them into the temple of the god of war, which stood in the middle of the great square. Alvarado determined to gain possession of the temple; for which purpose he divided his forces into three bodies, one of which, commanded by Guttierrez de Badajoz, he ordered to gain possession of the temple, while with the other two he occupied the attention of the enemy below. A large force of the enemy, headed by the priests, occupied the platform of the temple, with all its idol sanctuaries and galleries, and repulsed the troops of Guttierrez, driving them down the steps. The body to which I belonged was now ordered by Alvarado to their support. We advanced boldly to the assault, and having ascended to the platform, we drove the enemy from the post, of which we took possession, setting fire to their abominable idols, and planting our standard in triumph on the summit of the temple. The view of this signal of victory greatly rejoiced Cortes, who would fain have joined us; but he was still a quarter of a league from the place, and had many ditches to fill as he advanced. In four days more, both he and Sandoval had worked their way up to the great square of Tlaltelolco, where they joined us, and thus communications from all our three attacks were opened up to the centre of Mexico.
Our attack on the temple was truly perilous, considering the number of the enemy, the height and difficulty of the ascent, and the fury with which they continued to fight against us, even after we had attained the platform and set their idols on fire, and it was night before we could compel them to abandon the summit. The royal palaces were now levelled with the ground, and Guatimotzin had retired with his troops to a more distant quarter of the city towards the lake[10]. Still, however, the enemy attacked us every day, and at night pursued us into our quarters; and though apparently reduced to the last extremity, they made no offer towards peace. Cortes now laid a plan for drawing the enemy into an ambush: For this purpose, he one night placed 30 of our cavalry, with 100 of our best foot soldiers, and 1000 Tlascalans, in some large houses which had belonged to a principal nobleman of Mexico. Next morning he went in person with the rest of our army to attack a post at a bridge, which was defended by a large force of the Mexicans. After continuing the assault for some time, Cortes slowly retreated with his men, drawing the enemy after him by the buildings in which the ambush lay concealed. When he had led them to a sufficient distance, he gave the concerted signal, by firing two guns in quick succession. We immediately sallied out, and having thus enclosed the enemy between us, we made a terrible havoc among them, and from that time they never ventured to annoy us on our nightly retreat. Another trap was laid for the enemy by Alvarado, which had not the same success; but as I was now doing duty with the division which Cortes commanded in person, I was not present, and cannot, therefore recount the particulars. Hitherto we had continued to retreat every night to the posts we had established on the causeways, which were at least half a league from the great temple; but we now quitted these posts, and formed a lodgment for the whole army in the great square of Tlaltelolco, where we remained for three days without doing any thing worth notice, as Cortes wished to abstain from destroying any more of the city, in hopes of prevailing on Guatimotzin to accept of peace. He sent, therefore, a message, requesting him to surrender, giving him the strongest assurances that he should continue to enjoy the sovereignty, and should be treated with every honourable distinction; and he accompanied this message with a considerable present of provisions, such as fowls, game, bread, and fruit. Guatimotzin pretended to be inclined towards a pacification, and even sent four of his principal nobles to propose an interview between him and our general. But this, was a mere stratagem to gain time for strengthening his fortifications, and making preparations to attack us; as from the example of what had befallen his uncle Montezuma, and the suggestions of his advisers, he was afraid to trust himself in our hands. The mask was soon thrown off, and the enemy attacked us with such extreme violence, and having taken us in some measure by surprise, that they had some success at first, killing one of our soldiers and two horses; but in the end we drove them back with considerable loss.
[10] The whole western division of Mexico called Tlaltelolco was now in possession of the Spaniards, and probably destroyed by them to secure their communications; and the miserable remnant of the brave Mexicans had retired into the eastern division, named Tenochtitlan.--E.