“The size of property was one of the causes of the war, together with the total neglect of the lower orders of population.
“Of the element in arms, you have to distinguish between those who made the war and those who are wittily called the ‘Veterans of 1898’—about one half are Veterans of 1898. These people have energy, and these people have accustomed themselves to that life of civil warfare, but their condition is very bad to-day, and because of this they would like to come into order, although they have great inclination to continue. This is about the only energy left here, but it will be of no use to you except by getting these people out of the way. They have gone to war and acquired honours and salary to the extent of probably $10,000,000. The only way you can do is to offer them the security of what they have acquired so far as material welfare is concerned,—that is, their salaries. It would be an error not to give it all to them. If you give them work in the face of that inert mass I have shown you, and let them see their superiority, giving them certain annuities or monthly payments, you can bridge over the troublesome part of this population, but you cannot do it through their moral nature. You will have to bridge over several months by a strong occupation, by destroying the insurgent energy, by helping the other people, and by drawing general lines which all parties in the United States will accept. You must outline a distinct American policy which must be followed by both parties, and which no party can differ from. With these conditions you will have no trouble in the Island of Cuba.
“If you name your high officials Cubans, this will run off into Cuban solution, and not American. If the occupation is made by sufficient force, and you name only a few high officials who have the confidence of the Administration and have a general plan to carry through, and these appoint lower officials, taking the best class of Cubans and insurgents, the problem is solved. As a Spaniard born in Cuba and wishing this country all the good I can, I think it would be absurd to hope for the peace of the Island without a strong military force. The place must be occupied on strategic lines and not as Spain occupied it, and with good means of communication. This is the solution of the question. If this is not done, guerrilla warfare will have the advantage and it will be the same as when the Island was occupied by the Spanish forces; there were no enemies and no battles and it was like making a cavalry charge on a cloud or a mist.”
The above is a vigorous statement of the situation from the standpoint of one who has lost his all, not in fighting for independence, but in a contest for what he believed was a strong government. The Marquis wastes no sentiment. He tells some hard truths which all who know Cuba will recognise as such. Few foreigners know the United States better than the Marquis de Apezteguia and few have his ability of touching the weak spots in our armour. He tells us we cannot absorb Cuba, and as an American he would oppose annexation. These observations, as well as some others, will delight Mr. Andrew Carnegie, Mr. Edward Atkinson, Mr. Charles Francis Adams, and other opponents of annexation. The talk of strategic necessity, the exertion of power, and the material force necessary to make Cuba American territory will give these gentlemen who have raised the anti-Imperialist cry sentences which will greatly increase their stock of phrases, but in no way solve the question of what shall be done with our new possessions. Indeed, the Marquis, consoling the so-called anti-Imperialists with his well turned sentences, offers them medicine more stringent and a remedy more drastic than annexation. The word “Empire” has no terror for this Cuban-born Spaniard. You must create an Imperialistic policy, or right, not granted in the Federal Constitution, you must maintain American ascendency at any cost, and do your duty toward the people of Cuba and the people of the world. Cuba must, for all time to come, be American territory. It is only by a policy of this sort the Marquis thinks we shall succeed. In carrying out this plan, we are warned not to allow the Cuban question to become a burning question of American policy, but we are enjoined to hold up President McKinley’s hands in establishing a stable government in Cuba. It must not be made into a business, but a necessity. Carpet-bag legislation, he thinks, would bring on an insurrection. In this the Marquis is undoubtedly right. Lastly, he offers the good advice that something must be done and done quickly for the insurgents in arms, whose deplorable condition he vividly portrays. That these soldiers should be speedily paid off there can be no doubt, for until that is done, the rural districts of Cuba can never become productive.
Presumptuous as it may be to pass judgment on the utterances of a man of such wide range of experience in Cuba as the Marquis de Apezteguia, I believe the President of the late Conservative party of Cuba underestimates the Cuban capacity, both for self-government and for annexation to the United States. The work of final absorption may take a generation, but it will surely come. Once annexed, Cuba would become an English-speaking country, and the alert Cuban mind would grasp those great principles of fundamental liberty with far greater alacrity than the Spanish. Let the word go forth to teach English in every schoolhouse in Cuba, and the work of amalgamation would be half done. The more the Cubans know of the United States and of our institutions, the better they will like us. As confidence takes the place of distrust in the minds of the population of Cuba,—native or foreign-born, black or white,—the sooner all will reach the conclusion that the most promising future for Cuba can only be attained by complete union with the greater Republic.
In support of this opinion as to the political future of Cuba it is only necessary to quote the utterance of one whose opportunity for making such a forecast has been exceptional. Major-General Matthew C. Butler, of South Carolina, combines in his make-up and experience both soldier and statesman. The Confederate cause can point to no more brave and capable officer than General Butler. For sixteen years he represented his State in the United States Senate, and during that period grappled with all the important questions of the day. No man on the Cuban Evacuation Commission was so well equipped to study the political and economic side of the Cuban question as General Butler; and no man took so much pains to ascertain the facts in relation to the condition and sentiment of the people of Cuba. For a month last autumn the author was daily and closely associated with General Butler at the Vedado, near Havana, where the Military Commission had its headquarters. Between acquaintances of many years, in Washington, it is not strange that conversation during those long evenings at the Hotel Trotcha turned on the future of Cuba and that the exchange of thought was both free and frank. Summed up, the opinion of General Butler on the future of Cuba is as follows:
“You ask an expression of my opinion before leaving Cuba as to the character of the people of the Island and their future prospects. If they will be patient, following the dictates of prudence, and trust the Government of the United States, a very prosperous and happy future awaits them. The process of rehabilitation may be slow, but by cordial co-operation of all classes it will be more certain and permanent.
“The army of the United States is here to guarantee public order and enforce obedience to law. Its use will be controlled very largely by the conduct of the people themselves. If they uphold the law and insure public tranquillity, if each will respect the rights and persons of the other, there will be no occasion for interference by American troops. And you may take my word for it they will not interfere with the people in their peaceful vocations, if the conditions I have suggested prevail.
“The officers and soldiers on duty in the Island of Cuba are American citizens as well as American soldiers, accustomed to rendering loyal obedience to law; and they will not abandon on this Island their devotion to the principles of American liberty regulated by law. I therefore repeat that the people of Cuba may safely trust the officers and soldiers of the United States to establish and maintain the principles of government as set forth in our Constitution and laws, which mean freedom, not licentiousness, and equality before the law for all.