Being a householder the man had a vote, but he had never hitherto taken much interest in what he called “politics”. In his opinion, those matters were not for the likes of him. He believed in leaving such difficult subjects to be dealt with by his betters. In his present unhappy condition he was a walking testimonial to the wisdom and virtue and benevolence of those same “betters” who have hitherto managed the affairs of the world with results so very satisfactory for themselves.
“I should like to ask the speaker,” he said, “supposin’ all this that ’e talks about is done—what’s to become of the King, and the Royal Family, and all the Big Pots?”
“’Ear, ’ear,” cried Crass, eagerly—and Ned Dawson and the man behind the moat both said that that was what they would like to know, too.
“I am much more concerned about what is to become of ourselves if these things are not done,” replied Barrington. “I think we should try to cultivate a little more respect of our own families and to concern ourselves a little less about ‘Royal’ Families. I fail to see any reason why we should worry ourselves about those people; they’re all right—they have all they need, and as far as I am aware, nobody wishes to harm them and they are well able to look after themselves. They will fare the same as the other rich people.”
“I should like to ask,” said Harlow, “wot’s to become of all the gold and silver and copper money? Wouldn’t it be of no use at all?”
“It would be of far more use under Socialism than it is at present. The State would of course become possessed of a large quantity of it in the early stages of the development of the Socialist system, because—at first—while the State would be paying all its officers and productive workers in paper, the rest of the community—those not in State employ—would be paying their taxes in gold as at present. All travellers on the State railways—other than State employees—would pay their fares in metal money, and gold and silver would pour into the State Treasury from many other sources. The State would receive gold and silver and—for the most part—pay out paper. By the time the system of State employment was fully established, gold and silver would only be of value as metal and the State would purchase it from whoever possessed and wished to sell it—at so much per pound as raw material: instead of hiding it away in the vaults of banks, or locking it up in iron safes, we shall make use of it. Some of the gold will be manufactured into articles of jewellery, to be sold for paper money and worn by the sweethearts and wives and daughters of the workers; some of it will be beaten out into gold leaf to be used in the decoration of the houses of the citizens and of public buildings. As for the silver, it will be made into various articles of utility for domestic use. The workers will not then, as now, have to eat their food with poisonous lead or brass spoons and forks, we shall have these things of silver and if there is not enough silver we shall probably have a non-poisonous alloy of that metal.”
“As far as I can make out,” said Harlow, “the paper money will be just as valuable as gold and silver is now. Well, wot’s to prevent artful dodgers like old Misery and Rushton saving it up and buying and selling things with it, and so livin’ without work?”
“Of course,” said Crass, scornfully. “It would never do!”
“That’s a very simple matter; any man who lives without doing any useful work is living on the labour of others, he is robbing others of part of the result of their labour. The object of Socialism is to stop this robbery, to make it impossible. So no one will be able to hoard up or accumulate the paper money because it will be dated, and will become worthless if it is not spent within a certain time after its issue. As for buying and selling for profit—from whom would they buy? And to whom would they sell?”
“Well, they might buy some of the things the workers didn’t want, for less than the workers paid for them, and then they could sell ’em again.”