Considerations on the present peace, as far as it is relative to the colonies, and the African trade

by Robert Vaughan; Thomas Carney

This induces us to think, that the British merchants forsook that trade, and made the opposition they did to the late company, to get the forts and settlements under their management, to prevent other people putting them upon a proper establishment, that might hinder the French making the encroachments they have made in time of peace (and consequently carrying to their plantations those most useful people) in order to follow their more favourite trades to Benin, Calabar, and the coast of Angola, because there they can purchase three hundred Negroes with a cargo of 3600l. value, when that number upon the Gold Coast would cost in March last 4950l.[14]. Therefore we fear the private interest of said opposers rather gained an ascendency over them, to the great prejudice and disadvantage of the British colonies and the mother-country, and to the great emolument of the French; which we thought proper to observe at this juncture, and to hint also, that it will be more fully set forth in the description of the African trade beforementioned.

We hope to see a minister at the head of the administration in this country, devoid of faction and corruption, that no private pique or prejudice against person or party will so far influence him, as not to pay a due and impartial attention to what is laid before the legislative power, relative to that valuable branch of British commerce, the African trade.

We shall rejoice that such enquiries will not for the future be prevented by ministerial direction, as happened at a certain period, when it had cost great pains and expence to bring a matter of the utmost importance to this country to a hearing, which was frustrated, by putting a previous question in a great assembly on purpose to prevent such enquiry; notwithstanding several persons had been examined with respect to the African trade, as well as the expenditure of public money[15]; and for no other reason, as we could learn, or can conceive, than[15] that one of the greatest planters in the world (who at this time so worthily fills the first office in this metropolis) promoted said enquiry; which, under a wise and able minister, would have been a sufficient reason for examining minutely into an affair of such national consequence.

For what must be prejudicial to that planter’s interest, must in proportion be so to every other in the sugar colonies: and those of small property must feel the effects of being supplied with the worst sort of Negroes at exorbitant prices, more than those of affluent circumstances.

We have the honour to know that gentleman well, and are fully satisfied he was induced to exert himself in behalf of that enquiry, not from a motive of private interest, but for the general good of all those interested in, and concerned for the prosperity of the British colonies.

We therefore hope he will long live to employ his great abilities in promoting all good, and opposing all bad measures, with that zeal and spirit he hath always done, as also to prevent, to the utmost of his power, any minister (hereafter) daring to smuggle accounts into a certain assembly, although great objections had been made to them, before those objections were canvassed and cleared up; and that he will ever oppose the issuing public money intended for other services, till a satisfactory account is given, which has been the case[16]. However, we shall not at present enlarge further upon this head, because we know an abstract of the report of the committee, appointed by the honourable house of commons, will soon be published, to which we beg leave to refer our readers.

When the enquiry, relative to the African trade, was under consideration before the honourable house of commons in the year 1758, Mr. Pitt, that wise, great and able statesman, who has done his king and country so many eminent and good services, was pleased to declare, that he believed the then method of carrying on the African trade wanted alteration and amendment. He also added, that when we should be so happy as to have a peace, he would be at all times ready to examine into it, and give all the assistance in his power to put it upon such a footing, that our plantations might be supplied with the best and most valuable Negroes at reasonable rates. We doubt not but he will make good his promise to lend his able assistance, and also to recommend it to the administration to begin such an enquiry, and continue it, in order to amend the present, or form such other plan, as will preserve and secure that valuable trade to the British subjects, as the only and certain means to encrease the produce of the British, and lessen that of the French colonies. For, with the islands we already possess, and those which it appears by the preliminaries are to be ours, we shall have a sufficient number to raise sugar, &c. for the consumption of all Europe, if our British planters are properly supplied with the best sort of Negroes for their cultivation.

When that gentleman has assisted in doing this further service to his country, we sincerely wish him a long series of uninterrupted health, to enjoy the fruits of an honourable and permanent peace; and that he may be held in that esteem, reverence and honour, he so justly merits from all lovers of this country.

Should such an enquiry be made, we hope some method will be found out, to examine all persons at the bar of the house of commons upon oath; for if that could be done, it would save the house a deal of trouble, and prevent their receiving false information in matters of the utmost consequence to this nation and its commerce. Because we have heard people assert at that bar, what, to our knowledge, they at the same time knew to be intirely false; which we most sincerely wish could be remedied; or at least that persons examined there, upon matters of importance, should be informed they will be examined with respect to the same matter upon oath, at the bar of the house of lords, which we presume may be done; and if done, will be attended with great and good consequences to the whole community.

We cannot omit observing; that it was industriously reported, propagated, and even urged as an argument in a great assembly, when the state of the sugar islands was under their consideration in the year 1758, that the British planters had formed a scheme for a monopoly, by agreeing only to cultivate such part of their lands as would produce but a certain quantity of sugar, in order to raise the price, and exactingly to obtain as much for a little as a great quantity; which was as true and likely to be the case, as if the farmers of Great Britain, Ireland, France, Sweden, Poland and Denmark were to enter into a combination to leave such parts of their lands uncultivated, with an unfair intent of raising the price of grain; which we believe any person will readily admit can never be brought about, although a correspondence may be easier, and in much less time carried on between the farmers of those nations, than the planters of our sugar colonies, as those of Jamaica cannot correspond with Barbadoes, or any other part of the sugar islands, sooner than by way of Great Britain or North America, which would at least be six months before they could hear from each other; that impediment alone is sufficient to shew, that people thus separated, though ever so well inclined, can never form a monopoly.