Pride is the fruitful mother of all the other irregular passions—It was the origin of rebellion in heaven, and the thunderbolt that hurried Satan into the bottomless Pit; and stript innocent Adam of his original purity. Ever since, it more or less holds a place in every human breast.
It is capable of assuming various forms—At times it assumes the garb of humility, rigidity, and moderation. But none can trace its various evolutions so well, or discover its malignity, as the sincere Christian. It may possibly keep him company in all his devotional exercises; and, even under the specious pretext of humility, may be apt to drive him from God, as judging himself unworthy of eternal life.
But its influence over me was remarkable—I could not brook the idea to be indebted to any person for advice, even in difficult and doubtful cases. I therefore very seldom consulted any person, though many consulted me. Had I acted the prudent part, I should have consulted intelligent and disinterested men, previously chosen.—The friendship and esteem of some such I have had the honour to enjoy.
Ambition—Though this passion be the offspring of pride, it is to be no less watched against than its source. It blinds our best judgment by the appearance of utility, and is apt to drive to acts of injustice in the pursuit of the wished-for object; while it is but a distrusting of, and a contending against divine Providence. Influenced by this base passion, under the semblance of utility, I was induced to carry on a secret correspondence with Mr Dundas and the Lord Advocate.
This conduct, I confess, was altogether inconsistent with the spirit and design of Christianity, which requires the most unbounded simplicity, integrity, and love to my fellow-creatures.
My first connection with the Friends of the People was in the year 1791, or 1792. I several times attended the Committee which met in Mather’s Tavern; but would never subscribe my name, though repeatedly required to do it. This was the æra of my correspondence with Mr Dundas. Two reasons induced me to this unhappy conduct. One, a love of the peace of society—I apprehended, that if they were permitted to continue their meetings, the public tranquillity would be interrupted. This opinion was founded on my ignorance of the many abuses in the Administrative—the offspring of corruption in the Legislative branch of Government. For when the Legislative becomes more corrupted than the Executive, there is an end of true liberty.—And that the people had a right to meet and deliberate on, and to obtain a redress of grievances.—The other reason, to obtain Mr Dundas’s favour, that I might the sooner arrive at that station in society to which my views were directed. Some may imagine that I had personal hatred at some of the Friends of the People, but this was by no means the case.
Mr Dundas wished me to correspond with the Lord Advocate, and accordingly recommended me to him. My correspondence with him continued to August or September 1793, when it was discontinued.
My mind being then changed in favour of Reform, I entered into the Committees of Union and Ways and Means[1], in order to co-operate with them to the obtaining of a Reform. Naturally ambitious and enterprising, I was soon the leader of these Committees. By my advice, the Committee of Ways and Means, or Secret Committee, was formed; and its regulations drawn up by me. These regulations contained also directions to the Primary Societies, and to the Committee of Union. The Circular Letter, though composed by Mr Stoke, was advised by me. And though the Address to the Fencibles was not moved by me, I heartily approved of it. All these papers I got printed; and the whole impression was dispersed, but the Address to the Fencibles, of which I knew nothing, after printed.
[1] Of the Friends of the People.
My plans, I doubt not, would, when ripe for execution, be effectual. Bloodshed was what I abhorred from the bottom of my soul; they therefore guarded against that evil as much as may be. I shall here narrate them.—Other persons, as Archibald Wright, weaver in Edinburgh, and —— Craig, Perth, besides John Fairley, were sent at different times through the country, to sound the public mind, and to give instructions. The intelligence brought me, from time to time, by these persons, from every quarter of the kingdom, was more and more favourable: All their instructions were delivered by myself—But such as I knew I could fully confide in, their instructions went farther than those of others. Indeed, at the time I was apprehended, there were but very few places that information was not received from; and there remained almost nothing to do, for the execution of the whole, but a visit to England and Ireland, by intelligent and confidential persons.