“The United States Government engages never to interfere, unless solicited by the Government of Liberia, in the affairs between the aboriginal inhabitants and the Republic of Liberia in the jurisdiction and territories of the Republic. Should any United States citizens suffer loss, in person or property, from violence by the aboriginal inhabitants, and the Government of the Republic of Liberia should not be able to bring the aggressor to justice, the United States Government engages, a requisition having been first made therefor by the Liberian Government, to lend such aid as may be required. Citizens of the United States residing in the territories of the Republic of Liberia are desired to abstain from all such intercourse with the aboriginal inhabitants as will tend to the violation of law and a disturbance of the peace of the country.”
I violate no official propriety when I inform you that in all probability a ship of war is now on her way to Liberia for the purpose of protecting American interests, and of aiding the authorities, if so requested, in the suppression of insurrection among the natives. That this intervention will be effectual not only in suppressing the natives, but indirectly in suppressing the zeal of the white traders, I have not the slightest doubt. This assistance to Liberia is of a temporary nature; what she needs and what we need is a permanent naval force on her Coast, and she has almost a right to demand it; for Liberia is our only colony, the only off-shoot of the parent stem, the only American outpost on the confines of barbarism; it is our duty to protect her for the sake of our institutions and for the sake of our religion.
I therefore propose that the Government be requested to establish a line of mail steamers, to consist of the smallest class of naval vessels, half-manned and half-armed, to run monthly between any designated port in the United States and Liberia, touching on that Coast at Monrovia and Cape Palmas, and coaling each way at Porto Grande, Cape de Verde Islands. These vessels to retain the character of men-of-war, and to carry no passengers except officials of either government.
The distance from Norfolk to Monrovia is about 4,000 miles; the quantity of coal required for each round voyage would be about 320 tons, aggregating for a monthly service about 4,000 tons per annum. These ships could perform this duty at a cost for coal of about $50,000.
A law of Congress appropriating this amount and authorizing the President to employ the vessels on this duty would be a great point gained for Liberia, by insuring a regular mail communication, and by having constantly on the Coast one or other of these ships of war.
It is no new thing for men-of-war to be employed in this service. England commenced her foreign postal system in this way, which, subsequently taken up by private companies, now ramifies over the globe and touches every port. The same result would follow in this case. The merchantman would follow the man-of-war, and thus the initial step would be taken in securing the trade of Liberia to our own country. I see no other way at present of inaugurating a direct trade with Liberia; for our commercial pride has fallen so low, and our capital has become so timid, that it dares not and cares not to venture upon the sea. It is in vain that we appeal to patriotism; it is in vain that we utter the truism that no nation can be truly great without an external commerce. Our merchants cross the sea, and point with complacency to the foreign flag waving over their heads, and bring back their goods in foreign bottoms, without any sense of the shame that ensues.
It would also be utilizing the navy, which, in time of peace, could find no nobler employment. It would, indeed, be but a continuation of the aid which the Navy has heretofore given to Liberia, and a new title to its claim of guardianship.
I submit this proposition to you, gentlemen, for your consideration, and, if it meets with your approval, I suggest that you endeavor to put it into practicable shape during the present session of Congress.
The Government of the United States can give to Liberia no material aid. We cannot pay her debts nor fight her battles. We can throw over her the mantle of our protection. We can say that we will not see her absorbed by any European Power, nor obliterated by any savage horde; but, after all, Liberia must work out her own salvation.
“Who would be free—themselves must strike the blow.”