LORD CARNARVON.

(From a Photograph by the London Stereoscopic Company.)

The real obstacle had been the Adullamites. But, says Mr. Hayward, in a letter to Mr. Gladstone, dated the 31st of January, “the Cave has split already. Elcho, Lord Grosvenor, heading one section with Lowe and Horsman; Beaumont, Dunkellin, &c., with the other; the numbers about equal.... Beaumont and Co. would vote for an immediate settlement of the Reform Question. This he told me. Elcho would consent to no reduction of the Franchise.”[253] The fate of this small but brilliant party, Bishop Wilberforce says, inspired Mr. Gladstone with a new commandment—“Thou shalt not commit Adullamy.”[254]

On the 11th of February Mr. Disraeli explained to the House of Commons how the Government intended to deal with Reform. He suggested that they should pass a series of Resolutions admitting the necessity of increasing the electorate, and of giving more direct representation to the working-classes, but affirming that it was contrary to the Constitution to give any single interest in the country dominant power over the others. His Resolutions were also in favour of basing the franchise on rating, of plural voting, of the use of voting papers, and of the extension of borough boundaries. The House of Commons, however, clearly showed that it desired the Government to bring in a Bill, and that was plainly the opinion of the public also. Lord Malmesbury writes on the 16th of February:—“New plan on Reform proposed by Disraeli. Four franchises, namely, £5 rated house, £50 in savings bank, an educational franchise, and direct taxation, supposed in its result to give 680,000 voters to property, and 360,000 to democracy. General Peel positively objects. The press, in a body, abuse our Resolutions.”[255] On the 19th a Cabinet meeting was held, at which General Peel, finding he was the only dissentient, withdrew his objections.[256] But public opinion was against the scheme, and the spirit of dissension was brooding over the Cabinet. “Meanwhile,” writes Lord Malmesbury, who has given the world the only authentic account of the secret history of the startling events which followed, “after a Cabinet held on Saturday, Feb. 22nd, at which no difficulty occurred, and after Lord Derby’s having gone down to Windsor to announce unanimity of the Cabinet, on Sunday night Lord Cranborne informed Lord Carnarvon that he could not agree to the Reform Bill as it stood, and must resign. Lord Carnarvon did the same, and at 8.30 on Feb. 25th they wrote to Lord Derby to call a Cabinet at twelve for Lord Cranborne to explain his objections. The confusion may be conceived, as at 2 p.m. Lord Derby had summoned his party to hear the new Bill, and Disraeli was to explain it at five in the House of Commons. It was a paralysis. The dissentients were now joined by General Peel, who refused to remain [he had dissented from the first], and in half an hour, at Stanley’s suggestion, they agreed to meet the M.P.’s with a Bill founded on the £6 and £20 rating, to which the trio agreed. This crude action exposed us to great condemnation and ridicule.” The Bill was afterwards nicknamed the “Six Hours Bill,” and some indiscreet revelations which were made by Sir John Pakington led to it being scoffed at as “the Ten Minutes Bill.” A more ludicrous blunder has probably never been committed by any Government, as some of the Ministers confessed to each other. “No doubt,” writes Lord Malmesbury, “the best thing in such a position would have been to accept the resignation of these three able and honourable men (however serious the loss), and to tell the truth to Parliament, deferring the Bill for a week. I wrote a strong letter to Lord Derby from Heron Court, begging him to do this. The following Saturday it was done, and the Dukes of Richmond and Marlborough and Mr. Corry took the vacant seats in the Cabinet—the first as Board of Trade, the second as Colonial Secretary, the third as First Lord of the Admiralty; Northcote, India; and Pakington, War Office. The statement made by Lords Cranborne and Carnarvon was that Disraeli and Baxter[257] had completely mistaken their figures, and that the result would not be what we intended, but would be perfectly fatal.”

On the 26th of February a meeting of Liberal members, held at Mr. Gladstone’s house, expressed a very strong opinion against the Resolutions and against the Bill with the four franchises—“fancy franchises,” they were called by Mr. Bright and the Radicals—which Mr. Disraeli had sketched under pressure from Mr. Gladstone on the previous day. It was resolved to move an amendment to the Resolutions. But on the same evening Mr. Disraeli foiled this attack by withdrawing them, and by promising to bring in a Bill next week. This was the “Ten Minutes Bill” which had just been adopted in haste by the Ministers at their distracted Councils in Lord Derby’s house. On the 28th of February Lord John Manners, in a letter to Lord Malmesbury, writes:—“A meeting of Conservative M.P.’s was held at the Carlton to-day, Sir M. W. Ridley in the chair; between 120 and 150 present. Much difference of opinion, no resolutions passed, but a general disposition evinced in favour of rated residential household suffrage v. £6 rating and an equal division of new seats between the counties and the boroughs. An anxious desire expressed that we should fix upon the franchise thought best and then stick to it, declining to carry our opponents’ measure. They (our opponents) are, I believe, in equal difficulties, and are quite unable to take office at present.”[258] On the 4th of March it was made known to the country that Lord Carnarvon, Lord Cranborne, and General Peel had resigned their seats in the Cabinet; and on the 18th of March Mr. Disraeli asked and obtained leave to bring in the Bill which the Government had finally adopted. In the debate on the Second Reading Mr. Gladstone somewhat haughtily formulated the changes in it which he must demand. These practically eviscerated the Bill, and at the time it was not supposed that the Government could with any degree of self-respect assent to them. But when the Bill went into Committee it was soon apparent that Mr. Gladstone and his followers meant to force all their proposals on the Government. Ministers day after day held melancholy and mournful Cabinet meetings, and it was with rage that the Adullamites saw the men whom they had brought into office surrendering position after position.

MR. DISRAELI INTRODUCING HIS REFORM BILL IN THE HOUSE OF COMMONS.

“The laissez aller system followed by the Government,” writes Lord Malmesbury in May, “trying to make the best they could of it, but constantly yielding something. The Conservative members seem disposed to adopt anything, and to think that it is ‘in for a penny in for a pound.’” At each Cabinet meeting it was found that the Bill had become more Radical; indeed, it seemed as if Tory opposition stimulated Radical aggressiveness. Nor was the demoralisation confined to the Tory Party. There was some dread lest the persistent humiliation to which Mr. Gladstone and his