[244]Schriften, vol. i, pp. 182-4.
[245]Ibid., pp. 182-4.
[246]Ibid., p. 72.
[247]Schriften, vol. iii, pp. 110-11.
[248]Ibid., p. 108.
[249]Op. cit., vol. i, p. 62.
[250]Schriften, vol. iv, p. 226.
[251]In Towards the Understanding of Our Politico-Economic Conditions, part ii, n. 1.
[252]In On Commercial Crises and the Mortgage Problem of the Landowners, quoted above (op. cit., vol. iii, p. 186).
[253]Op. cit., vol. iv, p. 233. It is interesting to note in this connection how Rodbertus appears in practice as an extremely sober and realistically-minded prophet of capitalist colonial policy, in the manner of the present-day ‘Pan-Germans’, his moral ranting about the unhappy fate of the working classes notwithstanding. In a footnote to the above quotation, he writes: ‘We can go on to glance briefly at the importance of the opening up of Asia, in particular of China and Japan, the richest markets in the world, and also of the maintenance of English rule in India. It is to defer the solution of the social problem.’ (The eloquent avenger of the exploited ingenuously discloses the means by which the profiteering exploiters can continue ‘their stupid and criminal error’, their ‘flagrant injustice’ for as long as possible.) ‘For the solution of this problem, the present lacks in unselfishness and moral resolution no less than in intelligence.’ (Rodbertus’ philosophical resignation is unparalleled!) ‘Economic advantage cannot, admittedly, constitute a legal title to intervention by force, but on the other hand, a strict application of modern natural and international law to all the nations of the world, whatever their state of civilisation, is quite impracticable.’ (A comparison with Dorine’s words in Molière’s Tartuffe is irresistible: ‘Le ciel défend, de vraie, certains contentements, mais il y a avec lui des accommodements.’)—‘Our international law has grown from a civilisation of Christian ethics, and since all law is based upon reciprocity, it can only provide the standard for relations between nations of the same civilisation. If it is applied beyond these limits, it is sentiment rather than natural and international law and the Indian atrocities should have cured us of it. Christian Europe should rather partake of the spirit which made the Greeks and the Romans regard all the other peoples of the world as barbarians. The younger European nations might then regain the drive for making world history which impelled the Ancients to spread their native civilisation over the countries of the globe. They would reconquer Asia for world history by joint action. Such common purpose and action would in turn stimulate the greatest social progress, a firm foundation of peace in Europe, a reduction of armies, a colonisation of Asia in the ancient Roman style—in other words, a genuine solidarity of interests in all walks of social life.’ The vision of capitalist colonial expansion inspires the prophet of the exploited and oppressed to almost poetical flights, all the more remarkable for coming at a time when a civilisation of Christian ethics accomplished such glorious exploits as the Opium Wars against China and the Indian atrocities—that is to say, the atrocities committed by the British in their bloody suppression of the Indian Mutiny.—In his second Letter on Social Problems, in 1850, Rodbertus had expressed the conviction that if society lacks the ‘moral resolution’ necessary to solve the social question, in other words, to change the distribution of wealth, history would be forced to ‘use the whip of revolution against it’ (op. cit., vol. ii, p. 83). Eight years later, however, the stalwart Prussian prefers to crack the whip of a colonial policy of Christian ethics over the natives of the colonial countries. It is, of course, what one might expect of the ‘original founder of scientific socialism in Germany’ that he should also be a warm supporter of militarism, and his phrase about the ‘reduction of armies’ is but poetic licence in his verbal fireworks. In his essay On the Understanding of the Social Question he explains that the ‘entire national tax burden is perpetually gravitating towards the bottom, sometimes in form of higher prices for wage goods, and sometimes in form of lower money wages’. In this connection, he considers conscription ‘under the aspect of a charge on the state’, explaining that ‘as far as the working classes are concerned, it is nothing like a tax but rather a confiscation of their entire income for many years’. He adds immediately: ‘To avoid misunderstanding I would point out that I am a staunch supporter of our present military constitution (i.e. the military constitution of counter-revolutionary Prussia)—although it may be oppressive to the working classes and demand great financial sacrifices from the propertied classes’ (op. cit., vol. iii, p. 34). That does not even sound like a lion’s roar!