But sometimes the old man would be intensely interested and aroused by the lecture. I remember such an occasion, when I was myself the lecturer, and had been laying down, with due scientific decorum and diagrams, the "law of storms." At the close of the lecture, Mr. Cooper arose, advanced to the front, and gave a vivid and animated description of a whirlwind which he had witnessed some seventy years before, which was received with rapt attention and tremendous applause. The lecture was undoubtedly eclipsed in interest by this unexpected after-piece; but the lecturer was amply compensated by his triumph in having thus stirred the spirit and aroused the recollections of the dear old founder.
With regard to the various schools and classes of the Cooper Union, it must suffice to say briefly that under the elastic and comprehensive plan of the deed of trust, two objects were constantly kept in view by the trustees. In the first place, a complete four years' course was always maintained, for the benefit of those who could afford the time and who felt the need of such training. In the second place, classes were instituted in such special departments as were most likely to be useful and most evidently in demand; and with regard to these the demand and the evidence of usefulness were followed as guides in determining the extent of the facilities offered, up to the capacity and means of the institution.
De Morgan, in his "Budget of Paradoxes," tells of an old fellow who, wishing to have a chair that would fit him perfectly, sat for a while on a mass of shoemaker's wax, which he then carried to a worker in wood, and instructed him to "make a seat like that!" This homely illustration indicates the manner in which the special classes of the Cooper Union have been established, enlarged, and regulated, to meet the evident demands of its constituency. It is pleasant to know that the future means and sphere of the institution will be enlarged under the same wise management.
VIII
NATIONAL POLITICS
Peter Cooper's prominent activity in national politics belongs to two periods,—that of the war for the Union, and that of the subsequent controversies over questions of financial policy.
As has been explained, he felt his life to be peculiarly identified with that of the nation born with him; and the idea that this nation should be destroyed in the midst of its triumphant progress was profoundly abhorrent to him. Like many other patriots, he was ready to save the Union by a compromise, if that were practicable. He advocated the purchase and liberation by the government of all the slaves in the United States; he promoted a "peace conference" on the very eve of the war. But when South Carolina had formally seceded and the gauntlet had been cast at the feet of national authority, his course was not uncertain. He was a representative of the New York Chamber of Commerce in the deputation of thirty leading citizens of New York which visited Washington in order to discover what plan Mr. Buchanan (then still President) had in view. They got no satisfaction from the President, but assured themselves of the firm loyalty of Mr. Seward, then Senator from New York.
A few weeks later the bombardment of Fort Sumter put an end to all projects of compromise. At the memorable mass meeting held in Union Square, New York, shortly after the receipt of this news, Peter Cooper, then seventy years old, was among the first to mount the platform. His familiar white hairs and kindly face were recognized by the crowd, which vociferously called for a speech from him. Stepping to the front, he uttered a few ringing sentences which sounded the keynote of the meeting. I quote but one or two:—