Fig. 43.—Vitruvius’ Theatrum Graecorum According to Dörpfeld
The foregoing account of the Athenian theater is founded, in the main, upon Dörpfeld’s conclusions, but the reader needs to be warned that not all of his conclusions are acceptable to everyone. Until about half a century ago our information concerning Greek theaters was largely restricted to literary tradition. There was no theater of the earlier Greek types above ground, and even the exact location of the Athenian theater had been, during many centuries, forgotten. The literary tradition was mainly derived from Vitruvius, a Roman architect at the beginning of the Christian era, who devoted two chapters of Book V in his work On Architecture to a description of Greek and Roman theaters. According to him, the front and back walls of the Roman stage were determined by the diameter of the orchestral circle and one side of an inscribed equilateral triangle; in other words, its depth would be one-half the radius of the orchestra ([Fig. 42]).[158] Its height was not to exceed five feet,[159] since all the performers stood on the stage and the unelevated front half of the orchestral circle was reserved for the seats of senators. In the Greek theater, on the other hand, Vitruvius asserted that the front wall of the stage was marked by one side of an inscribed square, and its back wall, which he calls the scaenae frons, by the parallel tangent, its depth being thus about three-tenths of the radius ([Fig. 43]).[160] Its height was to range between ten and twelve feet. Vitruvius expressly states that this stage in the Greek theater was called a logium, that the tragic and comic actors performed in scaena[161] and the “other artists” per orchestram, and that for this reason the Greeks drew a distinction between the adjectives “scenic” and “thymelic” as applied to performances and performers.[162] The differences between the two types of structure are obvious: (1) the auditorium and orchestra in Vitruvius’ Roman theater occupied exactly a semicircumference, in his Greek theater distinctly more than this; (2) the Roman stage was deep and low, the Greek high and comparatively shallow; (3) in the Greek theater both orchestra and stage were employed (separately) by different forms of entertainment; in the Roman theater all performers stood on the stage and the semicircular orchestra was occupied by the seats of senators.
Moreover, Pollux (second century A.D.) states that in the Greek theater “the σκηνή belongs to the actors and the orchestra to the chorus.”[163] Everyone used to think (and some still do) that σκηνή here signified “stage” and that Vitruvius’ reference to scaenici and thymelici was to be interpreted in a similar fashion. Accordingly, it was supposed that Greek actors performed (and had always performed) upon a ten- or twelve-foot Vitruvian stage and the dramatic chorus in the orchestra below. Confirmation was found for this theory in Pollux’ further mention of ladders rising from the orchestra to the σκηνή.[164] The use of both orchestra and stage is mentioned a few times also in scholia (ancient commentaries) upon the Greek plays. The possibility of other interpretations of these passages will be considered later (see [pp. 97 ff.], below). For the present this should be said: We are interested in the Greek theater mainly because of Aeschylus, Sophocles, Euripides, and Aristophanes, all of whom lived in the fifth century B.C., and Pollux and Vitruvius, who flourished many centuries later, nowhere assert that they are attempting to describe the theater of this earlier period. Nevertheless, this initial assumption used tacitly to be taken for granted, and these Procrustean conditions were arbitrarily imposed upon the extant Greek dramas by all editors and commentators alike. As a matter of fact, such a difference of level between orchestra and stage, chorus and actors, with no convenient connection between the two, presented an insuperable obstacle to the (imaginary) “staging” of the fifth-century plays. Various expedients were proposed to evade the difficulty. One of the most popular was that of G. Hermann, who in 1833 suggested that the Greek orchestra was covered with a wooden platform to within a few feet of the stage level and that thus a more intimate connection between the two was established, and Wieseler (1847) proposed to identify this platform with the thymele. Nonsensical as this suggestion appears to everyone without exception now, it enjoyed a tremendous vogue for some time. In the eighties the news began to seep through to Western Europe and this country that Dörpfeld had evolved a new theory, to the effect that actors and chorus had performed in the orchestra on the same level until Roman times.[165] Again, Mr. A. E. Haigh (1889) maintained that a low stage was employed uninterruptedly until the fourth century B.C., when a high Vitruvian stage was introduced. Dr. Bethe (1896) contends that at first actors and chorus performed in the orchestra but that about 427 B.C. a low stage was introduced, which in the fourth century was raised to the Vitruvian level. On the other hand, Dr. Puchstein (1901), who stated in his Preface that he ignored the literary evidence, argued for a Vitruvian stage already in the fifth century. And now Professor Fiechter (1914) has given his adherence to Bethe’s hypothesis that a low stage at the end of the fifth century was raised to a high one in the fourth. It will be seen that all authorities are in substantial agreement that the Greek theater had a stage, even a high Vitruvian stage, but they are hopelessly divided with regard to the important detail as to when this stage was introduced—at the very first, at the close of the fifth century, in the time of Lycurgus, in the Hellenistic period, or in the reign of Nero.
But before taking up the question of the stage in the Greek theater, it will first be necessary to determine Vitruvius’ relationship to the matter. The Roman architect’s description of the Roman theater does not coincide precisely with any extant Roman theater. Nevertheless, there has never been any doubt as to the general type of structure which he had in mind. It is evident, however, that he is describing no particular, actually existent, theater but is giving directions for an ideal structure. Indeed, he declares: “Whoever wishes to use these directions will render the perfect qualities of theaters faultless.”[166] There is, therefore, no reason to expect that his directions for Greek theaters would agree any more closely with any extant Greek theater, and in fact they do not. During the last two decades of the nineteenth century the ancient theaters at Epidaurus, Oropus, Thoricus, Eretria, Sicyon, Megalopolis, Delos, Assus, Pergamum, etc., were unearthed. The first result of this activity was to show that no two of these structures were entirely alike and that none exactly corresponded to Vitruvius’ directions. Furthermore, it has become evident that all ancient theaters are no longer to be classified under the two general Vitruvian types, “Greek” and “Roman,” but rather under a larger number of categories according to time, place, and conditions of use. But the question which one of these types Vitruvius had in mind still remains, and unfortunately the answer has not been so clear as to compel everyone’s acceptance. In Vitruvius’ day many Hellenistic, stageless theaters were still standing, and the modern attempt to identify these with Vitruvius’ Greek type and to force them into conformity with his prescriptions has wrought great confusion in the field of scenic antiquities. But Vitruvius nowhere professes to be writing a history of Greek theaters nor had he any intention of presenting antiquarian lore. His book was planned for distinctly practical purposes. Now in his day only two kinds of new theaters were being erected, the Roman and what Dörpfeld has christened the Graeco-Roman.[167] Dörpfeld supposes the latter type to have originated with the theater which Pompey had built in Rome in 55 B.C. This is said to have been modeled upon the Greek theater at Mitylene in the island of Lesbos,[168] and Dörpfeld supposes that the orchestra of Pompey’s theater was kept free of seats, after the Greek fashion, and devoted to thymelic performances, but that the top of the proscenium, despite its height and narrowness, was converted into a stage, to which, according to Roman practice, the comic and tragic actors were now elevated. However this may be, the fact remains that from about this time theaters of this type were so extensively built or created by a remodeling of Hellenistic theaters that they became the only rivals of purely Roman structures. Such theaters are found in the Nero theater at Athens (according to Dörpfeld’s present but questionable view), Pompeii, Segesta, Syracuse, Taormina, and extensively in Asia Minor. Early in the nineteenth century Schönborn and Wieseler correctly recognized buildings of this type as representing Vitruvius’ Greek theater.[169] But later on, when the earlier Greek theaters were revealed by new excavations at Athens and elsewhere, an attempt was made to identify these with Vitruvius’ Greek type. Dörpfeld himself fell into this error and in Das griechische Theater maintained that Vitruvius had misunderstood the function of the Hellenistic proscenium, interpreting as a stage what in fact was only a background. But though Dörpfeld thus incurred a large share of blame for confusing the situation, he soon came to recognize his error and frankly recanted.[170] Unhappily the pro-stage writers still persist in it.
It might be supposed that Vitruvius’ Greek theater could readily be identified by comparing his directions for the height and depth of the stage with the actual measurements of various Greek theaters. Dörpfeld and Fiechter have both attempted this but without any great success.[171] For the sake of convenience and clearness I have drawn up their figures in the form of tables. Dörpfeld cited six Graeco-Roman structures as affirmative arguments and two Hellenistic buildings as negative arguments. Of course, the figures for the Hellenistic theaters refer to the proscenium, in which some would recognize a stage. The problem, therefore, is not merely as to what type of Greek theater Vitruvius was describing, but the function of the proscenium in Hellenistic theaters is also involved. On the other hand, Fiechter, whose object is diametrically opposed to Dörpfeld’s, cites four Hellenistic and six Graeco-Roman theaters as positive and negative arguments respectively.
TABLE I (Dörpfeld)
| Buildings | Radius of Orchestra | Three-tenths of Radius | Depth of Stage or Proscenium | Height of Stage or Proscenium |
|---|---|---|---|---|
| Graeco-Roman: | ||||
| Termessus | 11.00 m. | 3.30 m. | about 4.00 m. | 2.45 m. |
| Sagalassus | 12.75 m. | 3.80 m. | 5.70 m. | 2.77 m. |
| Patara | 11.85 m. | 3.55 m. | 3.50 m. | 2.50 m. |
| Myra | 17.50 m. | 5.20 m. | 3.50 m. | |
| Tralles | about 3.00 m. | |||
| Magnesia (rebuilt) | at least 2.30 m. | |||
| Hellenistic: | ||||
| Eretria | 2.40 m. | |||
| Oropus | 1.95 m. |
TABLE II (Fiechter)
| Buildings | Radius of Orchestra | From Center of Orchestra to Scaenae Frons | Three-tenths of Radius | Depth of Stage or Proscenium | Height of Stage or Proscenium |
|---|---|---|---|---|---|
| Hellenistic: | |||||
| Priene | 9.32 m. | 9.31 m. | 2.79 m. | 2.74 m. | 2.72 m. |
| Ephesus | 12.33 m. | 12.25 m. | 3.69 m. | 2.62 m. | |
| Delos | about 10.55 m. | 10.60 m. | 3.16 m. | 3.60 m. | 3.00 m. |
| Magnesia | more than 2.30 m. | ||||
| Graeco-Roman: | |||||
| Termessus | 9.90 m. | 12.60 m. | 2.97 m. | 4.00-5.5 m. | |
| Sagalassus | 12.73 m. | 17.94 m. | 3.80 m. | 7.54 m. | 2.77 m. |
| Patara | 11.85 m. | 14.50 m. | 3.55 m. | 6.00 m. | 2.50 m. |
| Tralles | 13.20 m. | 3.96 m. | 6.50 m. | at least 2.50 m. | |
| Magnesia (rebuilt) | 10.65 m. | 3.20 m. | 6.00 m. | more than 2.30 m. | |
| Ephesus (rebuilt) | 14.47 m. | 12.50 m. | 4.34 m. | 6.00-9.00 m. | 2.62 m. |