NOTES
[A] P. 1, l. 21 f. Gregory’s vague idea of a symmetrical chronological development of history leading up to a great termination, namely, “the approaching end of the world,” finds expression in a number of passages; cf. pp. [5], [6], [7], [105], [208], [244]. It is a peculiar fact that the chronological tastes of the Christian historiographers and theologians were largely due to their interest in the future, which was as definitely marked out as the past by the Providence of God.
[B] P. 5, l. 1 f. Here as well as in his “first preface” (p. [1]) Gregory gives his point of view as definitely as any historian has ever done. The reader has merely to bear it in mind in order to interpret the narrative. Gregory’s impulse to write the History of the Franks came not from an interest in the Frankish state, but from an interest in the orthodox church, of which he regarded the Franks as the champions. It is for this reason that he is far more definite in expressing his adherence to the creed than his allegiance to the Frankish kings. It is this attitude, too, that explains his impatience with civil war (p. [105]). Cf. Introd., p. [xxi] and pp. [53], [54].
[C] P. 6, l. 36 f. Gregory’s references to his sources are relatively clear in Book I and can be traced through the succeeding chapters. The main source is naturally Jerome’s translation of Eusebius’ chronicle supplemented by Orosius’ History Against the Pagans. He also uses Rufinus’ translation and continuation of Eusebius’ Ecclesiastical History. On these sources see other volumes of the Records of Civilization.
[D] P. 9, l. 1. The stade was 606 ft. 9 in. in length. It took about 8⅔ stades to make an English mile.
[E] P. 9, l. 2. Agripennis (arapennis, arpent), properly a measure of surface. Here it is used of length, just as American farmers use the term, acre, as a measure both of surface and of length, meaning in the latter case the side of a square acre—about 70 yards. That this is the usage here may be proved by a simple arithmetical operation.
[F] P. 10, l. 12 f. For other exhibitions of extreme credulity, see pp. [68], [171]. It should be remembered that in these cases the point is that Gregory is applying his theory of life to a concrete situation in such a way that the contrast between the modern attitude and that of the dark ages is brought out strongly. His view of the material world was not one that laid any stress upon natural cause and effect, but rather upon supernatural cause and natural effect. It is in Gregory’s favor that he hears of more remarkable miracles than he sees.
[G] P. 11. Chapters 11-26 and 18-29 have been summarized. They contain nothing of importance and their inclusion in full would be solely at the expense of the reader’s patience.
[H] P. 12, l. 11. 251 A.D.
[I] P. 12, l. 16 f. Dionysius had the advantage, not apparent until long after his lifetime, of being sent to Paris. His cult rose with the city and he became the patron saint of France, his worship centering in the abbey of St. Denis, founded within half a century of Gregory’s death. In the ninth century St. Denis was boldly identified with Dionysius the Areopagite and with the mystical theological writings mistakenly attributed to the latter. This identification affected the development of French theological thinking for eight centuries. See Molinier, Sources de l’Histoire de France, Nos. 65, 816.