[9] It appears to me, therefore, more reasonable, etc.—Quo mihi rectius videtur, etc. I have rendered quo by therefore. "Quo," observes Cortius, "is propter quod, with the proper force of the ablative case. So Jug. c. 84: Quo mihi acrius adnitendum est, etc; c. 2, Quo magis pravitas eorum admiranda est. Some expositors would force us to believe that these ablatives are inseparably connected with the comparative degree, as in quo minus, eo major, and similar expressions; whereas common sense shows that they can not be so connected." Kritzius is one of those who interprets in the way to which Cortius alludes, as if the drift of the passage were, Quanto magis animus corpori praestat, tanto rectius ingenii opibus gloriam quaerere. But most of the commentators and translators rightly follow Cortius. "Quo," says Pappaur, "is for quocirca."
[10] That of intellectual power is illustrious and immortal—Virtus clara aeternaque habetur. The only one of our English translators who has given the right sense of virtus In this passage, is Sir Henry Steuart, who was guided to it by the Abbé Thyvon and M. Beauzée. "It appears somewhat singular," says Sir Henry, "that none of the numerous translators of Sallust, whether among ourselves or among foreign nations—the Abbé Thyvon and M. Beauzée excepted—have thought of giving to the word virtus, in this place, what so obviously is the meaning intended by the historian; namely, 'genius, ability, distinguished talents.'" Indeed, the whole tenor of the passage, as well as the scope of the context, leaves no room to doubt the fact. The main objects of comparison, throughout the three first sections of this Proemium, or introductory discourse, are not vice and virtue, but body and mind; a listless indolence, and a vigorous, honorable activity. On this account it is pretty evident, that by virtus Sallust could never mean the [Greek aretae], 'virtue or moral worth,' but that he had in his eye the well-known interpretation of Varro, who considers it ut viri vis (De Ling. Lat. iv.), as denoting the useful energy which ennobles a man, and should chiefly distinguish him among his fellow-creatures. In order to be convinced of the justice of this rendering, we need only turn to another passage of our author, in the second section of the Proemium to the Jugurthine War, where the same train of thought is again pursued, although he gives it somewhat a different turn in the piece last mentioned. The object, notwithstanding, of both these dissertations is to illustrate, in a striking manner, the pre-eminence of the mind over extrinsic advantage, or bodily endowments, and to show that it is by genius alone that we may aspire to a reputation which shall never die. "Igitur praeclara facies, magnae divitiae, adhuc vis corporis, et alia hujusmondi omnia, brevi dilabuntur: at ingenii egregia facinora, sicut anima, immortalia sunt".
[11] It is necessary to plan before beginning to act—Priusquam incipias, consulto—opus est. Most translators have rendered consulto "deliberation," or something equivalent; but it is planning or contrivance that is signified. Demosthenes, in his Oration de Pace, reproaches the Athenians with acting without any settled plan: [Greek: Oi men gar alloi puntes anthropoi pro ton pragmatonheiothasi chraesthai to Bouleuesthai, umeis oude meta ta pragmata.]
[12] To act with promptitude and vigor—Maturè facto opus est. "Maturè facto" seems to include the notions both of promptitude and vigor, of force as well as speed; for what would be the use of acting expeditiously, unless expedition be attended with power and effect?
[13] Each—Utrumque. The corporeal and mental faculties.
[14] The one requires the assistance of the other—Alterum alterius auxilio eget. "Eget," says Cortius, "is the reading of all the MSS." Veget, which Havercamp and some others have adopted, was the conjecture of Palmerius, on account of indigens occurring in the same sentence. But eget agrees far better with consulto et—maturè facto opus est, in the preceding sentence.
[15] II. Applied themselves in different ways—Diversi. "Modo et instituto diverso, diversa sequentes." Cortius.
[16] At that period, however—Et jam tum. "Tunc temporis praecisè, at that time precisely, which is the force of the particle jam. as donatus shows. I have therefore written et jam separately. Virg. Aen. vii. 737. Late jam tum ditione premebat Sarrastes populos." Cortius.
[17] Without covetousness—Sine cupiditate_. "As in the famous golden age. See Tacit. Ann. iii. 28." Cortius. See also Ovid. Met. i. 80, seq. But "such times were never," as Cowper says.
[18] But after Cyrus in Asia, etc.—Postea verò quàm in, Asiâ Cyrus, etc. Sallust writes as if he had supposed that kings were more moderate before the time of Cyrus. But this can hardly have been the case. "The Romans," says De Brosses, whose words I abridge, "though not learned in antiquity, could not have been ignorant that there were great conquerors before Cyrus; as Ninus and Sesostris. But as their reigns belonged rather to the fabulous ages, Sallust, in entering upon a serious history, wished to confine himself to what was certain, and went no further back than the records of Herodotus and Thucydides." Ninus, says Justin. i. 1, was the first to change, through inordinate ambition, the veterem et quasi avitum gentibus morem, that is, to break through the settled restraints of law and order. Gerlach agrees in opinion with De Brosses.