The abbot of Shrewsbury and one of the clerks of the privy seal, were sent by the King to offer pardon to Hotspur if he would lay down his arms, but to no purpose. Percy completed all his military arrangements, and stationed his troops in a field still called the Hateleys—the royal forces occupying ground immediately opposite. A flourish of trumpets, mingling with the contending shouts of “St. George and victory,” and “Esperance Percy,” was the signal of onset, which was answered by a tremendous discharge of arrows from both sides. The Scots, who were too impatient to fight at a distance, rushed with great fury upon the centre of the royal army, and threw it into disorder; but the King hastening with fresh succour rallied his broken troops and recovered their ground. He frequently exposed himself in the thickest of the battle, which indeed he might the more safely do, since he had diminished the chances of personal danger, by investing several of his knights in regal habiliments. Events soon proved the prudence of the stratagem. Percy sought him in every part of the field, and Douglas with equal impetuosity slew three of these mock-monarchs with his own hand. The fight extended from Berwick westward, to the vicinity of Haughmond Abbey in the east, and continued for three hours with various success. The bravery of the King was nobly seconded by the valour of his son, Prince Henry, who that day performed his noviciate in arms, and gave earnest of the future glory of Agincourt. The Scottish champion, seconded by Hotspur, made another furious attack on the royal station—slew the standard bearer, and came within a sword’s point of the king, who fled for his life. In one of these charges Hotspur was shot through the brain by an arrow, and fell gloriously in the midst of his foes. Shortly after his army gave way on all sides, and a total rout ensued. Douglas fled, and being hotly pursued, he was thrown down from his horse while taking a desperate leap on Haughmond-hill, and seized by the enemy. Phillips, the historian, says, “1,600 royalists were slain, and 3,000 wounded; on the side of Percy 6,000 were killed, among whom were Lord Percy and most of the knights and gentlemen of Cheshire; there fell on that day 2,291 men of note.” Henry having put a period to the slaughter, halted to return thanks on the field of battle, and decreed the erection of a collegiate church at Battlefield. The pious gratitude of the victorious monarch but ill accorded with the punishment he subsequently inflicted on the vanquished. The Earl of Worcester, Sir Theobald Trussel, and Sir Richard Vernon, were executed at the high cross of Shrewsbury, and their heads exposed to public view on London bridge. Hotspur’s body, which was found among the slain, was placed between two mill stones, in the market place, after which it was quartered, and hung on the gates of Shrewsbury, and other places in the kingdom. The King released Douglas without ransom, because he feared the Scots would avenge the death of a man so dear to them, and from similar motives he afterwards accepted the submission of Northumberland.
During the contest between the houses of York and Lancaster, which deluged England with blood, almost to the total extinction of her ancient nobility, the town of Shrewsbury espoused the party of the White Rose. In the records of the corporation is preserved a letter from Richard, Duke of York, requesting the burgesses to assist him with men in the enterprise he meditated of removing his rival, Somerset, from power. After his defeat and death at Wakefield, his son Edward, Earl of March, went to Shrewsbury, and obtained in its neighbourhood a powerful levy, which enabled him to revenge his father’s cause, in the great victory of Mortimer’s Cross. He was shortly after proclaimed king. The attachment of the inhabitants, and the great strength of the town, induced him to choose it as the asylum for his queen during the subsequent vicissitudes of the war. Whilst she resided here she had two sons, Richard and George Plantagenet; the latter died young, and the former, with his elder brother, Prince Edward, was, according to history, murdered in the Tower, at the instigation of their uncle, the Protector. On the usurpation of the crown by Richard III. his agent, the Duke of Buckingham, deserted him and fled into Wales, where he took up arms, and endeavoured to excite a general insurrection against the tyrant whom he had formerly served. Being abandoned by his followers, he fled in disguise into Shropshire, and concealed himself in the house of his steward, who, tempted by the price offered for his apprehension, betrayed him to John Mytton, sheriff of the county. He was immediately taken to Shrewsbury, where, by the king’s peremptory order, and without trial, he was executed on a scaffold erected before the High Cross.
The despotisms of Richard soon alienated the hearts of his subjects, and disposed them to receive his rival, the Earl of Richmond, with open arms. That prince, afterwards King Henry VII., landed at Milford Haven in August, 1485, with a force of about 2,000 men. The Welsh, who regarded him as their countryman, flocked to his standard and gave him every assurance of support. Having mustered his army he determined to march for Shrewsbury. On arriving at the Welsh bridge, he found the place in a posture of defence; and on summoning the town he was unexpectedly refused admittance by the head bailiff; a curious conference ensued, of which an account is given in a manuscript belonging to the school library. “The head-bailey Maister Myttoon, being a stout wyse gentilman, on demand being made of entrance, answered, sayinge that he knew no kynge but only kynge Richard, whose lyffetenants he and his fellows were; and before he should entir there, he should go over his belly, meaning thereby, that he should be slayne to the ground, and that he protested vehemently on the othe he had tacken; but on better advice Maister Myttoon permitted the kynge to pass; but to save hys othe, the sayd Myttoon lay along the ground, and his belly upwards, and soe the said erle stepped over hym and saved his othe.” The earl was first proclaimed king on his entrance into Shrewsbury; the inhabitants testifying their joy at his coming, and their vows for his success. He is said to have lodged in a house in the Wyle Cop, three doors below the Lion Inn. In 1488, when quietly established on the throne, he paid a visit to Shrewsbury, in testimony of his gratitude for its services to his cause; and in 1490, he, with his Queen and Prince Arthur, were present at a solemn festival, and attended mass in the collegiate church of St. Chad. Five years after, Henry again visited the town, and was nobly entertained in the castle by the corporation. The spring of the year 1551 was fatally distinguished by the commencement of a dreadful epidemic in this town called the “sweating sickness.”
In the year 1642, the ill-fated Charles I. came hither from Nottingham, at the head of his army, which was here amply reinforced and provisioned. The King was joined by Prince Rupert, Prince Charles, and the Duke of York, and many other noblemen and gentlemen of the neighbouring counties. Charles set up a mint here, at which was coined money for his own use, from the voluntary contributions of plate which were sent by the inhabitants and others. The corporation about this time filed a bill in Chancery against Richard Gibbons, late mayor, and Thomas Challoner, schoolmaster, who kept the keys of the free school chest, to recover the sum of £600, which they had surreptitiously taken from the funds of the charity, and lent to his Majesty. It appears the bill was dismissed without any relief, but it took the right honourable the Commissioners of the Great Seal eleven years before they could decide on its rejection. What, however, of justice was wanting to the plaintiffs in this cause was made up in assurances of thankfulness, and gracious promises by the royal receiver, who had given his note of hand, to refund the money whenever it should be called for. Some time after the king’s arrival he summoned the gentlemen and freeholders of the county, and addressed them in the following terms, on a plot of land called the Soldiers’ Piece, now converted into a race course:—“It is some benefit to me, from the insolence and misfortunes which have driven me about, that they have brought me to so good a part of my kingdom, and so faithful a part of my people. I hope neither you nor I shall repent my coming hither; I will do my part that you may not; and of you I was confident before I came. The residence of an army is not usually pleasant to any place, and mine may carry more fear with it, since it may be thought (being robbed and spoiled of all my own, and such terror used to fright and keep all men from supplying me), I must only live upon the aid and relief of my people. But be not afraid, I would to God my poor subjects suffered no more by the insolence and violence of that army raised against me (though they have made themselves wanton even with plenty), than you shall do by mine. And yet I fear I cannot prevent all disorders; I will do my best; and this I promise you, no man shall be a loser by me, if I can help it. I have sent hither for a mint; I will melt down my own plate, and expose all my land to sale or mortgage, that if it be possible, I may not bring the least pressure upon you. In the meantime, I have summoned you hither to do that for me and yourselves, for the maintenance of your religion, and the law of the land (by which you enjoy all that you have) which other men do against me. Do not suffer so good a cause to be lost, for want of supplying me with that, which will be taken from you by those who pursue me with violence. And whilst these ill men sacrifice their money, plate, and utmost industry to destroy, be you no less liberal to preserve. Assure yourselves, if it please God to bless me with success, I shall remember the assistance that every particular man here gives me to his advantage. However, it will hereafter (how furiously soever the minds of men are now possessed) be honour and comfort to you, that with some charge and trouble to yourselves, you did your part to support your king and preserve the kingdom.” During the king’s residence here he kept his court at the Council House. The Princes Rupert and Morris were stationed with the army, which exercised in the fields near the Hall. The king caused the castle gates to be repaired, pulled down many houses near the castle, and brought the water from the Severn up to the gate, by means of a draw bridge. He also built a strong fort at the upper end of Frankwell, in which he planted cannon.
Sir Michael Earnley was governor of the castle in 1644, and during the storming of the town by the parliamentary forces had command of the garrison. At this time, Colonel Mytton, a soldier of great valour, was governor of a small garrison at Wem, and general of Cromwell’s army in this county. Having made two unsuccessful attempts, on the night of the 3rd of February, he came with his forces consisting of two hundred and fifty foot, and the same number of horse, and marched towards Shrewsbury, where they arrived about three o’clock on Saturday morning. Eight carpenters went up the river in a little boat, and landed within the enemy’s breast work, under the castle hill on the east side. The sentinels, after some pause fired upon them, but they very soon sawed down so many of the palasades as gave the men a free passage.
The first that stormed were forty-two troopers dismounted, with their pistols, and about as many firelocks. They were led on by Mr. Huson, a puritan preacher, Captain Willers, and Lieutenant Benbow; then followed some other musqueteers along the side of the Severn, under the Castle Hill, and entered the town at the Water-lane Gate; after these marched three hundred and fifty infantry, commanded by Lieutenant Colonel Rinking. Having entered the streets of the town they marched to the market place, surprised the guard, and put the captain to death; the rest marched to the castle Foregate, which was also soon gained; the guard having basely deserted it. The town being in possession of the parliamentary forces, they let down the draw bridge, near the castle, and the horse immediately entered under the command of Colonel Mytton and Bowyer. It was now about break of day, and the inhabitants were filled with consternation and surprise at beholding the enemy in the very heart of the town, which, on retiring to rest the preceding night, they thought the most secure in the island. About twelve o’clock the castle after a feeble resistance surrendered, on condition that the English part of it should march to Ludlow, but the Irish were delivered up to the conquerors. At the time of the assault the governor, Sir Michael Earnley, was confined by sickness to his bed; but waked by the noise of the tumult, he sprang up at the moment the enemy were rushing into his chamber, and with great courage refused to submit to the conquerors, rejecting all quarter, he wantonly perished, covered more with wounds than with glory. The loss in killed and wounded was inconsiderable; but the prisoners and property seized by the victors was of great importance, for here were taken eight knights and baronets, forty colonels, majors, captains, and others of quality, besides the common soldiers, also fifteen pieces of ordnance, several hundred stand of arms and powder, &c. For these important services the general received the thanks of parliament, and was made governor of the castle. The late lieutenant governor was tried by a court martial at Gloucester, and afterwards hanged, for negligence and cowardice, in suffering the place to be surprised without his having made a suitable resistance. Prince Maurice made his escape before the castle surrendered, but the whole of his magazine fell into the hands of the victors.
In the contest between the king and the parliament, Colonel John Benbow, uncle to the celebrated Admiral Benbow, united with the parliament forces; but afterwards deserted his principles, and espoused the cause of the monarch. He distinguished himself by opposing his former associates at the taking of Shrewsbury, for which vacillating conduct he was condemned by the parliament, and shot on the green before the castle, October 15th, 1651. At the same time the parliament in order to strike terror into those who favoured royalty, adjudged the Earl of Derby to suffer at Bolton. Several other gentlemen of the first families in England were also sentenced to death at the same period. An attempt was made to reduce the town to loyal obedience, after the death of the protector Cromwell, but the governor of the castle secured the place in the interest of parliament.
At the restoration, notwithstanding the joy which was diffused through the kingdom, it is probable there were some in every county who still sighed for the Commonwealth. The municipal bodies of the realm, terrified by the example of London, made haste to surrender the charters they had received from former monarchs into the hands of the sovereign. The corporation, however, of Shrewsbury stood out for a twelvemonth. At length, on the 13th of June, 1684, it was agreed unanimously, that the charter of the town should be surrendered and yielded up to his majesty, when his pleasure should require it. On the 20th of August, it was “Ordered that the mayor and committee attend the Lord Chief Justice Jones, to discourse him, touching the renewing of the charter, and unanimously agreed, that in the new charter there shall be only twelve aldermen and twenty-four assistants.” The king’s death prevented this instrument from passing the great seal in his name. Within a week after that event, the corporation sent up an address to their new sovereign, expressive of “their joyfulness in his succession, and humbly thanking him for his gracious declaration in preferring the Protestant religion;” no obscure intimation of their wishes on that momentous subject, which engaged all ranks with an intensity of interest difficult to be conceived by the present generation. On the 17th of March, 1684, the corporation received their new charter, in which the king expresses his gracious affection for the melioration of the town of Salop, and hopes that, if the burgesses and inhabitants have more ample liberties and privileges, they will be the better enabled and the more bound to render him the more special service. He grants that the town shall be “a free town of itself, and the burgesses and inhabitants shall be a body corporate, and sue and be sued; that there shall be one good and discreet man of the aldermen of the town who shall be mayor; twelve good and discreet men (the mayor being one) who shall be aldermen; and twenty-four good and discreet men, assistants.” Then follow various other officers, and a clause empowering the corporation to supply vacancies occasioned by death, &c. When James II. made a progress through this part of his dominions, the corporation resolved to expend £200 in entertaining and making a present to the king. They despatched two gentlemen to Gloucester and Worcester for the purpose of ascertaining the manner in which the royal traveller was entertained in those cities. They resolved that the conduits should run with wine on the day of his majesty’s entrance, and that the corporated companies should appear with their drums, colours, flags, and streamers. The king arrived on the 24th of August, and took up his abode at the Council House, where the corporation presented him with a purse of gold containing one hundred guineas. On the following morning, he exercised the gift of healing, by touching several persons for the king’s evil. The king issued a proclamation on the 17th of October for restoring corporations to their ancient charters and franchises, and orders were the same day made in council for removing all corporate officers, who had been put in by the crown since 1679. Richard Mickleston was at this time mayor of Shrewsbury; under the new charter of 1685 he was discharged from his office, and John Hill, Esq., elected in his room, under the charter of 1638.
The various “compositions” which the burgesses of Shrewsbury appear to have entered into amongst themselves for the government of this borough, clearly indicate that a large share of power was exercised by “the commons” in its municipal institutions. The liberties and customs of the burgesses or commons were confirmed by the charter of Henry II., and by various others granted before and after the date of the compositions alluded to. But the constitution of the borough was materially altered by a charter of the 14th of Charles I., transferring to a select body the functions previously exercised by the commons. This charter continued to be the governing one till the passing of the new municipal act, in 1835. The corporation by it was appointed to consist of a mayor, twenty-four aldermen, and forty-eight assistants, with an indefinite number of burgesses or freemen, under the style of the “mayor, aldermen, and burgesses of the town of Shrewsbury, in the county of Salop,” instead of the “bailiffs and burgesses,” as in the old charter. The ministerial officers named in the charter were, the recorder and his deputy, the steward, town clerk, two coroners, four auditors, two chamberlains, a sword bearer, three serjeants-at-mace, and three serjeants-yeomen. Exclusive jurisdiction in the borough was granted, the magistrates being the mayor and ex-mayor, the bishop of Lichfield and Coventry, the chancellor of the diocese, the recorder, steward, and three senior aldermen. Few of them, however, continued to act. Petty sessions were authorised to be held weekly, quarter sessions for all criminal actions not capital, a weekly court of record for all personal suits to any amount, and for ejectments, and a court leet, with view of frank-pledge. A court of requests was established in the 23rd of George III. for the recovery of debts under 40s., which was held every alternate week. The number of suits in the court in 1839 was 1011. This court has been superseded by the new county court act.
Under the new municipal act, the borough is included in schedule A, amongst boroughs to have a commission of the peace, which has accordingly been granted, and the court of quarter sessions and recorder re-appointed; and in section I. of that schedule among those the parliamentary boundaries of which were to be taken till altered by parliament. The limits of the borough extend considerably beyond the ancient boundaries, and now include the whole town and its suburbs. It has been divided into five wards, and appointed to be governed by ten aldermen and thirty councillors under the usual corporate style. The income of the corporation in 1840, was £1903. 10s. 8d. The income for the year ending September 1st, 1850, was £3184. 6s. 9d. of which £515. 11s. 3d. arose from the rental of premises; £1750. 1s. 11d. from the borough rate; and the remainder from miscellaneous sources. The principal items of expenditure for the same period are—police, £832. 1s. 4d.; salaries, £346. 14s.; rent and taxes, £42. 8s.; reparations, £187. 6s. 5d.; turns in the quarry and other annual payments, £267. 19s. 2d.; prosecutions, £217. 19s. 5d.; maintenance and removal of prisoners, £245. 17s. 11d.; expenses at sessions, including fees, &c., £395. 1s. 4d.; inquests and coroners expenses, £72. 4s. 6d. There was also a balance of £265. 0s. 9d. in the treasurer’s hands. Shrewsbury has regularly returned two members to parliament since the reign of Edward I. Previous to the passing of the reform act the franchise was in the burgesses inhabiting within the ancient limits of the borough, paying scot and lot, and not receiving alms or charity. The county assizes, and quarter sessions, are held here; petty sessions are held every Tuesday, and the borough magistrates sit daily.