In one of his conferences with Bucer, he declared, that there could be no union, unless Zuinglius and his party should think and teach otherwise; cursing all phrases and interpretations that tended to assert the figurative presence only; affirming, that [[298]]“either those of his own opinion, or those of Zuinglius, must be the ministers of the devil.” On this account, though Luther was for treating Zuinglius and his followers with as much christian friendship as he could afford them, yet he would never own them for brethren, but looked on them as heretics, and pressed the Electors of Saxony not to allow them in their dominions. [[299]]He also wrote to Albert Duke of Prussia, to persuade him to banish them his territories. Seckendorf also tells us, that the Lutheran lawyers of Wirtemburg condemned to death one Peter Pestelius, for being a Zuinglian; though this was disapproved by the Elector of Saxony. Several also of the anabaptists were put to death by the Lutherans, for their obstinacy in propagating their errors, contrary to the judgment of the Landgrave of Hesse Cassel, who declared himself for more moderate measures, and for uniting all sorts of protestants amongst themselves.[[300]]
SECT. II.
Calvin’s Doctrine and Practice concerning Persecution.
John Calvin, another of the reformers, and to whom the christian world is, on many accounts, under very great obligations, was however well known to be in principle and practice a persecutor. So entirely was he in the persecuting measures, that he wrote a treatise in defence of them, maintaining the lawfulness of putting heretics to death. And that by heretics he meant such who differed from himself, is evident from his treatment of Castellio and Servetus.
The former, not inferior to Calvin himself in learning and piety, had the misfortune to differ from him in judgment, in the points of predestination, election, free-will and faith. This Calvin could not bear, and therefore treated Castellio in so rude and cruel a manner, as I believe his warmest friends will be ashamed to justify. In some of his writings he calls him “Blasphemer, reviler, malicious barking dog, full of ignorance, bestiality and impudence; impostor, a base corrupter of the sacred writings, a mocker of God, a contemner of all religion, an impudent fellow, a filthy dog, a knave, an impious, lewd, crooked-minded vagabond, beggarly rogue.” At other times he calls him “a disciple and brother of Servetus, and an heretic.” Castellio’s reply to all these flowers, is worthy the patience and moderation of a Christian, and from his slanderer he appeals to the righteous judgment of God.
But not content with these invectives, Calvin farther accused him of three crimes; which Castellio particularly answers. The first was of theft, in taking away some wood, that belonged to another person, to make a fire to warm himself withal: this Calvin calls “Cursed gain, at another’s expence and damage;” whereas, in truth, the fact was this. Castellio was thrown into such circumstances of poverty by the persecutions of Calvin and his friends, that he was scarce able to maintain himself. And as he dwelt near the banks of the Rhine, he used at leisure hours to draw out of the river with an hook, the wood that was brought down by the waters of it. This wood was no private property, but every man’s that could catch it. Castellio took it in the middle of the day, and amongst a great number of fishermen, and several of his own acquaintance; and was sometimes paid money for it by the decree of the senate. This the charitable Calvin magnifies into a theft, and publishes to the world to paint out the character of his Christian brother.
But his accusations ran farther yet; and he calls God to witness[witness], that whilst he maintained Castellio in his house, “He never saw any one more proud or perfidious, or void of humanity; and it was well known he was an impostor, of a peculiar impudence, and one that took pleasure in scoffing at piety, and that he delighted himself in laughing at the principles of religion.” These charges Castellio answers in such a manner, as was enough to put even malice itself to silence. For, notwithstanding Calvin’s appeal to God for the truth of these things, yet he himself and two of his principal friends, who were eminent preachers in Savoy, pressed Castellio, even contrary to his inclination, to take the charge of a school at Stratsburg; and therefore, as he says to Calvin, “With what conscience could you make me master, if you knew me to be such a person when I dwelt in your house? What sort of men must they be, who would commit the education of children to such a wicked wretch, as you appeal to God you knew me to be.”
But what is yet more to the purpose, is, that after he had been master of that school three years, Calvin gave him a testimonial, written and signed with his own hand, as to the integrity of his past behaviour; affirming, amongst other things, “That he had behaved himself in such a manner, that he was, by the consent of all of them, appointed to the pastoral office.” And in the conclusion he adds, “Lest any one should suspect any other reason why Sebastian went from us, we testify to all wheresoever he may come, that he himself voluntarily left the school, and so behaved himself in it, as that we adjudged him worthy this sacred ministry.” And that he was not actually received into it, was “non aliqua vitæ macula,” not owing to any blemish of his life, nor to any impious tenets that he held in matters of faith, but to this only cause, the difference of our opinions about Solomon’s Songs, and the article of Christ’s descent into hell. But how is this testimonial, that Castellio had no “macula vitæ,” was unblameable as to his life, reconcileable with the appeal to God, that he was proud and perfidious, and void of humanity, and a professed scoffer at religion, whilst he dwelt at Calvin’s house? If this charge was true, how came Calvin and his friends to appoint him master of a school, and judge him worthy the sacred ministry? Or if he was of so bad a character once, and afterwards gave the evidence of a sincere repentance by an irreproachable behaviour, what equity or justice, what humanity or honour was there in publishing to the world faults that had been repented of and forsaken? Castellio solemnly protests that he had never injured Calvin, and that the sole reason of his displeasure against him was because he differed from him in opinion. On this account he endeavoured to render him every where impious, prohibited the reading of his books; and, what is the last effort of enmity, endeavoured to excite the civil magistrate against him to put him to death. But God was pleased to protect this good man from the rage of his enemies. He died at Basil, in peace; and received an honourable burial, the just reward of his piety, learning, and merit.
I may add to this account, Calvin’s treatment of one Jerom Bolsec,[[301]] who from a Carmelite monk had embraced the reformed religion, but held the doctrine of free-will and predestination upon the foresight of good works. Calvin was present at a sermon preached by him at Geneva, upon these articles; and the sermon being ended, publicly opposed him in the congregation. When the assembly was dismissed, poor Bolsec was immediately apprehended, and sent to prison; and soon after, by Calvin’s counsel, banished for sedition and Pelagianism from the city, and forbid ever to come into it, or the territories of it, under pain of being whipped, A. C. 1551.
But Calvin’s treatment of the unfortunate Servetus was yet more severe. His book, entitled, “Restitutio Christianismi,” which he sent in MS. to Calvin, enraged him to that degree, that he afterwards kept no temper or measures with him; so that as Bolsec and Uytenbogaert relate, in a letter written by him to his friends Viret and Farrel, he tells them,[[302]] that “If this heretic (Servetus) should ever fall into his hands, he would take care that he should lose his life.” Servetus’s imprisonment at Vienne, soon gave him an opportunity to shew his zeal against him: for, in order to strengthen the evidence against him, Calvin sent to the magistrates of that city the letters and writings which Servetus had sent to him at Geneva. This is evident from the sentence itself against him; in which those writings, as well as his printed book, are expressly mentioned, as containing the proofs of his heresy. Whether Calvin sent them of his own accord, or at the desire of the magistrates of Vienne, I shall not presume to determine. If of his own accord, it was a base officiousness; and if at the request of those magistrates, it was a most unaccountable conduct in a Protestant to send evidence to a Popish court to put a Protestant to death; especially considering that Servetus could not differ more from Calvin than Calvin did from the Papists, their common adversaries, and who certainly deserved as much to be burnt, in their judgment, as Servetus did in Calvin’s.