The National Intelligencer was the organ of the old Federal and Whig parties almost from the foundation of the government. It was a faithful champion of the slave-holding interests of the South until its representatives in Congress withdrew from the Union. The demise of the Whig party by the incorporation of the Northern portion of it into the Republican party and the separation of the slave States from the Union, left the Intelligencer no longer any constituency, and after a few struggles like the one of which we read in the following letter from Mr. Kennedy, and a brief, precarious existence which Mr. Tilden contributed financially to prolong its publication was discontinued.
J. C. G. KENNEDY TO MR. POND
"Washington, July 25, 1863.
"Dear Pond,—I have been credibly informed to-day that unless they shall be so fortunate as to receive immediate relief from some friendly source, the Intelligencer will actually be suspended in the course of the coming week.
"The paper, it is generally known, became embarrassed by the entire loss of its large Southern circulation, consequent on the rebellion, which loss has been followed now by the withdrawal of the official advertisements of the govt. departments, which they have hitherto enjoyed under almost every administration, thus cutting off resources by which they have managed to meet their expenditures, and rendering imminent an event which of all others will gratify the ultra party of the country and bring mortification on the conservatives which they will deplore when too late to be remedied. Its fall will exhilarate the abolitionists by the assurance it will appear to justify, of the opposition to extreme measures, and the inability of the conservatives of the country to sustain a journal at the seat of government opposed to radicalism, and practically confirm the standing and increase the influence of the radical press here, while it will deprive the country of a tried and faithful watchman on the walls of the citadel whose very presence intimidates from a surrender of the bulwarks of the Constitution and the constitutional union. Shall this be? Will the wealthy, patriotic, conservative men of New York quietly permit such an advantage to be gained by their destructive adversaries, and suffer to be lost what holds out such a prospect and guarantee of usefulness and necessity to them when a comparatively small effort may avert such a catastrophe? In view of the depressing effect which the stoppage of such a paper at this juncture will produce on National men North and South and their cause, and the advantages which will inure therefrom to the sectionalists, cannot some good men of New York make up a loan to the establishment of a few thousand dollars, which will give it stability and independence thro' the rest of this year, when it is to be hoped a new era will open, thereby maintaining an important element of power for good, in bringing about a reasonable and happy settlement of our difficulties when the force of arms shall have accomplished its work. Will these good people of New York allow this old and influential journal of more than half a century's standing to go down for defending their cause against the destructive policy of the radicals, and when, if it go down, the conservatives will have to make greater sacrifices in establishing another in its stead which must be long in acquiring the same confidence and power of usefulness? These are questions which must be determined in a few days, or the capital be left without a paper representing and upholding national views and the country be deprived of a faithful journal, which can be relied on, regardless of government favor, and continue to do its duty to the people unawed by power though it perish in the struggle.
"The amount, if supplied, may be deemed and made a lien on the establishment and apply as a credit on its purchase hereafter, or may be a loan to be secured by deed of trust thereon.
"I have stated facts, with no personal interest to advance other than as my welfare is identified with the honor and prosperity of the country and the integrity of the Union and the preservation of law and order. I have made suggestions, and can conceive of no act more patriotic or more demanded by the highest interest of the country than the object of my note.
"I have advised that a confidential agent go to your city, and I am writing to ask you to aid him by your counsel in putting him in the way to avert an impending calamity. What I write you are at liberty to use according to your discretion, but please keep my letter in your sole possession. My engagements preclude my leaving home at present, and I write as I would speak and would wish to say to men who will readily be suggested to your mind. Can you say it for the country's sake, and at once?
"Yours faithfully,
"Jos. C. G. Kennedy."