"My dear Sir,—We have known each other for many years; have passed through many heated political campaigns together, striving for the same political results; therefore I hope you will not deem it amiss if I write you a short letter. I premise by saying what every one knows—that without the aid of the personal friends of Tweed the State ticket this fall will be defeated by forty thousand majority. Can his friends be made our friends in this campaign? I answer 'yes.' You inquire, 'How can this be done?'

"The object of criminal punishment in theory and practice, as laid down by all elementary writers, is to reform the offender, to deter him and others from committing like offences, and to protect society. Has not this object been accomplished in the case of Tweed? Gen. Dix, if elected, will not pardon him; will you? If his friends have your promise, when elected, to pardon, will they not put in a half million into a fund for your success? Then let them say to their friends in each county that they desire your election for a purpose, and we have the whole strength of the Democratic party. That will not, perhaps, be enough. Let the temperance men be paid and their organizations sustained by money, and success is certain. Let one man in each Assembly district be re-elected who will be in the secret and have the desired funds, who will thoroughly work his district—both in getting out the Democrats and taking care of the temperance people—and you have the desired result. You and the reformers can afford this promise. I am not and never was a Tweed man—I thought his punishment just—yet I think he has been confined long enough for all purposes, legal, moral, or political. The above is a bold proposition; if you think of it, it will appear a just one. But be that as it may, without some such move we cannot carry the State. Excuse me if in writing thus I presume too much.

"Yours Respectfully,
"P. H. Cowen."

TILDEN FOR GOVERNOR
(THE COURSE OF THE ADMINISTRATION PRESS REVIEWED)

(From the New York "Tribune")

It is very much to the credit of the administration journals of the State that, so far as they discussed beforehand the claims and qualifications of the several candidates for the Democratic nomination for Governor, they frankly recognized the fact that the logic of the Democratic professions of reform pointed unmistakably to the gentleman who was nominated at Syracuse on Thursday. Indeed, they almost may be said to have advised and urged his nomination. In doing this we give them credit for rising above the narrowness of partisanship, and for taking into view the great public benefit to be derived from having for the candidates of both parties men of distinguished ability and unimpeachable integrity, instead of following the instincts of a petty and unpatriotic selfishness by endeavoring to induce their opponents to weaken and stultify themselves. Mr. Tilden, at no small risk of personal popularity and political influence, and with no conceivable motive but a desire for the public good, had fairly revolutionized his own party. In arresting the corrupt and profligate career of the Ring that ruled it, he has contributed to its temporary defeat. But the movement he led was a success, and the party was shrewd enough to discern in the signs of the times the wisdom of assuming the responsibility and claiming the credit for the reform. They have done this persistently.

It was plain enough to the most casual observer that from the moment Mr. Tilden consented to have his name presented as the candidate for Governor of the party to which he had been so conspicuous in administering discipline, that party could not reject him without confessing the insincerity of its boasting over what was in so marked degree his work. Not to have nominated him would have been justly considered a rebuke and a warning to any and all who should hereafter put party success in jeopardy for the sake of putting a stop to public robbery. The administration newspapers which pointed out the folly and danger of such a course deserve praise for rising above the small strategy, hypocrisy, and trickery so common in politics. We have already expressed the opinion that the convention which nominated Mr. Tilden was driven to it by the logic of events and as a consequence of its professions of reform. That the nomination is offensive to a considerable number of the party, who were directly or indirectly disturbed by Tweed's overthrow, is an admitted fact; and there was, no doubt, considerable hesitation in the minds of many influential leaders over the question whether, upon the whole, it would be safe to offend these people for the sake of making a consistent record for the party.

As for Mr. Tilden himself, it can be of comparatively little consequence to him personally now whether he is or is not elected. He has accomplished a great work in his party, has led a great reform, overthrown a powerful organization of municipal thieves, and compelled a recognition of his services more emphatic and pronounced in the mere form of the nomination than an election could be under any other circumstances. We presume he has not deceived himself with the idea that the administration journals which have heretofore bestowed upon him such copious praise, and have so frankly pointed out to his party his strength as a candidate, have thereby estopped themselves from attacking his principles and his character. As citizens, the gentlemen who conduct these newspapers are doubtless glad to be assured that, whatever may be the result of the election, the office of Governor will be filled by an able and upright gentleman of whom they need not be ashamed. As partisans, however, they propose to find whatever joints there may be in his harness and to defeat him if they can. One organ, we perceive already, after remarking that it does not know positively that if elected he would misuse the power intrusted to him, calls attention to the fact that he has acted as counsel for some of the greatest railroad corporations in the State, and suggests in a wise way that it might be very dangerous at this time to put such a man in the executive chair. Another gives him credit for his services in overthrowing the Tweed Ring, but adds that he did not do it at the right time; that he ought to have done it sooner. It does not accuse him of dishonesty, but feels compelled to call him a "moral coward." And so they go. Of course there will be a great deal of it before the campaign is over, a great deal that is mean and contemptible and dishonest, but just now we prefer to consider the unusual honesty and frankness with which the administration press treated the question before the nomination, and to give credit for sincerity and independence. When each party counsels the other to nominate its best men, and the advice is followed, we shall see purer politics and better government.

HORATIO SEYMOUR TO TILDEN

"Utica, Sept. 23, 1874.