"My dear Sir,—I do not think I shall be able to see you before you send in your message. Upon one point I am anxious—that is the canal question. The constitutional amendment, the state of the country, and the condition of commerce makes this the leading question of the day. It has, since you dealt with it, taken new forms and aspects. There are some facts which may not be known to you. This subject cannot be treated by you in your annual message in a clear, full way. It needs a message for itself. If you will simply give the return of last year's business, and then, without indicating any policy upon any point, say you will send in a special communication with regard to it, you will be able at your own time to treat the subject in a way which [will] interest the whole country. You can neither do yourself nor the canals justice by speaking about them without making a long message, which must be avoided. There will be another advantage in this. You will have a rod over those whose purposes and plans are yet to be disclosed. I have my fixed and settled opinion about the canals to which I am publicly committed, and I do not like to clash with yours, etc.
"My health is not good, and I do not know when I can go away from home.
"I am truly yours, &c.,
"Horatio Seymour."
CHARLES O'CONOR TO TILDEN
"Fort Washington, February 10, 1875.
"My dear Gov. Tilden,—Your favor of the 8th is this instant received. I have never met the Mayor but once. I then discovered that his prime object seemed to be the removal of Green. This is the prime object of all the swindlers, whatever political banner they sail under. Our friend Marble is also hostile to him. They are determined to get him out.
"I drew the impeachment of the counsel. As drawn it contained what more prudent men than myself might pronounce an injudicious paragraph against the appeals majority. In a council, consisting of Marble, Burton N. Harrison, and perhaps others, this was stricken out, and perhaps rightly. The keystone to the arch imparting favor to Tweed was the story of the substitution of Curtis and Porter for Barlow and Peckham. But I had to acquiesce in omitting that. The letters on this subject are in the New York papers about 30th and 31st December.
"The Mayor sent to Barlow, Peckham, and myself for our suggestions on the council's answer. Peckham's and mine contain all that is needful on this subject. Mine, unwisely, you will say, opens fire on the judicial majority, and states with suitable words of characterization the Porter and Curtis substitution. This you will probably not disapprove.
"To understand this branch of the case precisely you should know a few facts. I had all my life greatly aided and befriended this man. But this was not strange; I always aid the needy and never strike any one willingly. He thought me very amiable, but took good care to keep out of my way from the moment he took office until he was accused. Then he could scarcely believe his senses; so, near midnight, he visited me, cried, implored, etc., etc. I gave him no hope, and to his face condemned him, observing courtesy to be sure in the choice of words. I commented in terms as apt as this duty would permit, on his Porter and Curtis affair. This will serve to account for his subsequent attempt to reinstate Barlow and Peckham. No more need be stated. I have requested Peckham to send you a copy of his reply to Smith; a copy of mine will reach you as soon as it can be made.
"I am quite sure the power that is bent on removing Green will not improve the Corporation Counsel's office; consequently, I cannot desire that the Mayor should be free to fill it.