Nor can we, sir, if this opposition should incite him, or any other power, to an invasion of his majesty's foreign dominions, refuse them our protection and assistance: for as they suffer for the cause which we are engaged to support, and suffer only by our measures, we are at least, as allies, obliged by the laws of equity and the general compacts of mankind, to arm in their defence; and what may be claimed by the common right of allies, we shall surely not deny them, only because they are more closely united to us, because they own the same monarch with ourselves.
Mr. PULTENEY spoke to the following purpose:—Sir, with what eagerness the French snatch every opportunity of increasing their influence, extending their dominions, and oppressing their neighbours, the experience of many years has convinced all Europe; and it is evident that unless some power be preserved in a degree of strength nearly equal to theirs, their schemes, pernicious as they are, cannot be defeated.
That the only power from which this opposition can be hoped, is the house of Austria, a very superficial view of this part of the globe, will sufficiently demonstrate; of this we were long since so strongly convinced, that we employed all our forces and all our politicks to aggrandize this house. We endeavoured not only to support it in all its hereditary rights, but to invest it with new sovereignties, and extend its authority over new dominions.
Why we afterwards varied in our councils and our measures, I have long inquired without any satisfaction, having never, sir, with the utmost application, been able to discover the motives to the memorable treaty of Hanover, by which we stipulated to destroy the fabrick that we had been so long and so laboriously endeavouring to erect; by which we abandoned that alliance which we had so diligently cultivated, which we had preferred to peace, plenty, and riches, and for which we had cheerfully supported a tedious, a bloody, and an expensive war.
This conduct, sir, raises a greater degree of admiration, as the authors of it had exhausted all their eloquence in censuring the treaty of Utrecht, and had endeavoured to expose those who transacted it to the general hatred of the nation; as they always expressed in the strongest terms their dread and detestation of the French; as they animated all their harangues, and stunned their opponents with declarations of their zeal for the liberties of Europe.
By what impulse or what infatuation, these asserters of liberty, these enemies of France, these guardians of the balance of power, were on the sudden prevailed on to declare in favour of the power whom they had so long thought it their chief interest and highest honour to oppose, must be discovered by sagacity superiour to mine. But after such perplexity of councils and such fluctuation of conduct, it is necessary to inquire more particularly what are the present intentions of the ministry, what alliances have been formed, and what conditions are required to be fulfilled.
If we are obliged only to supply the queen of Hungary with twelve thousand men, we have already performed our engagements; if we have promised any pecuniary assistance, the sum which we have stipulated to furnish ought to be declared; for I suppose, at least, our engagements have some limits, and that we are not to exert all the force of the nation, to fight as if fire and sword were at our gates, or an invader were landing armies upon our coasts.
I have, sir, from my earliest years been zealous for the defence and exaltation of the house of Austria, and shall be very far from proposing that any danger or distress should influence us to desert it; but I do not easily discover by what means we shall be able to afford any efficacious assistance: for the power of Britain consists chiefly in naval armaments, which can be of very little use to the queen of Hungary, and I know not any state that will easily consent to unite with us on this occasion.
If there be, sir, any states remaining in Europe which the French can neither intimidate nor bribe, we ought studiously to solicit and diligently to cultivate their friendship; but whether any, except the Moscovites, are now independent, or sufficiently confident of their own strength to engage in such a hazardous alliance, may be justly doubted.
The late grand alliance, sir, was supported at the expense of this nation alone; nor was it required from the other confederates to exhaust the treasure of their country in the common cause. I hope the debt which that war has entailed upon us will instruct us to be more frugal in our future engagements, and to stipulate only what we may perform without involving the nation in misery, which victories and triumphs cannot compensate.