The use of alliances, sir, has, in the last age, been too much experienced to be contested; it is by leagues well concerted, and strictly observed, that the weak are defended against the strong, that bounds are set to the turbulence of ambition, that the torrent of power is restrained, and empires preserved from those inundations of war, that, in former times, laid the world in ruins. By alliances, sir, the equipoise of power is maintained, and those alarms and apprehensions avoided, which must arise from daily vicissitudes of empire, and the fluctuations of perpetual contest.
That it is the interest of this nation to cultivate the friendship of the house of Austria, to protect its rights, and secure its succession, to inform it when mistaken, and to assist it when attacked, is allowed by every party. Every man, sir, knows that the only power that can sensibly injure us, by obstructing our commerce, or invading our dominions, is France, against which no confederacy can be formed, except with the house of Austria, that can afford us any efficacious support.
The firmest bond of alliances is mutual interest. Men easily unite against him whom they have all equal reason to fear and to hate; by whom they have been equally injured, and by whom they suspect that no opportunity will be lost of renewing his encroachments. Such is the state of this nation, and of the Austrians. We are equally endangered by the French greatness, and equally animated against it by hereditary animosities, and contests continued from one age to another; we are convinced that, however either may be flattered or caressed, while the other is invaded, every blow is aimed at both, and that we are divided only that we may be more easily destroyed.
For this reason we engaged in the support of the Pragmatick sanction, and stipulated to secure the imperial crown to the daughters of Austria; which was nothing more than to promise, that we would endeavour to prevent our own destruction, by opposing the exaltation of a prince who should owe his dignity to the French, and, in consequence of so close an alliance, second all their schemes, admit all their claims, and sacrifice to their ambition the happiness of a great part of mankind.
Such would probably be the consequence, if the French should gain the power of conferring the imperial crown. They would hold the emperour in perpetual dependence, would, perhaps, take possession of his hereditary dominions, as a mortgage for their expenses; would awe him with the troops which they sent under a pretence of assisting him, and leave him only the titles of dominion, and the shadows of empire.
In this state would he remain, whilst his formidable allies were extending their dominions on every side. He would see one power subdued after another, and himself weakened by degrees, and only not deprived of his throne, because it would be unnecessary to dethrone him; or he would be obliged to solicit our assistance to break from his slavery, and we should be obliged, at the utmost hazard, and at an expense not to be calculated, to remedy what it is, perhaps, now in our power to prevent with very little difficulty.
That this danger is too near to be merely chimerical, that the queen of Hungary is invaded, and her right to the imperial dignity contested, is well known; it is, therefore, the time for fulfilling our engagements; engagements of the utmost importance to ourselves and our posterity; and I hope the government will not be accused of profusion, if, for three hundred thousand pounds, the liberties of Europe shall be preserved.
We cannot deny this grant without acting in opposition to our late professions of supporting his majesty in his endeavours to maintain the Pragmatick sanction, and of assisting him to defend his foreign dominions from any injuries to which those endeavours should expose them; for how can he without forces defend his dominions, or assist his ally? or how can he maintain forces without supplies?
Mr. SHIPPEN next rose, and spoke thus:—Sir, as I have always endeavoured to act upon conviction of my duty, to examine opinions before I admit them, and to speak what I have thought the truth, I do not easily change my conduct, or retract my assertions; nor am I deterred from repeating my arguments when I have a right to speak, by the remembrance that they have formerly been unsuccessful.
Every man, when he is confident himself, conceives himself able to persuade others, and imagines that their obstinacy proceeds from other motives than reason; and that, if he fails at one time to gain over his audience, he may yet succeed in some happier moment, when their prejudices shall be dissipated, or their interest varied.