But, in my opinion, my lords, the most probable way of removing difficulties, is to examine how they were produced, and, by consequence, to whom they are to be imputed; for certainly, my lords, it is not to be hoped that we shall regain what we have lost, but by measures different from those which have reduced us to our present state, and by the assistance of other counsellors than those who have sunk us into the contempt, and exposed us to the ravages of every nation throughout the world.
That this inquiry, my lords, may be free and unobstructed, it is necessary to address the throne, after the manner of our ancestors, in general terms, without descending to particular facts, which, as we have not yet examined them, we can neither censure nor approve.
It has been objected by the noble lord, that foreign nations will be disappointed by hearing, that instead of menaces of vengeance, and declarations of unalterable adherence to the liberties of Europe, we have wasted our time at this important juncture in settling the form of an address.
That little time may be wasted on this occasion, I hope your lordships will very speedily agree to an address suitable to the dignity of those who make it, and to the occasion upon which it is made; for I cannot but allow, that the present state of affairs calls upon us for despatch: but though business ought, at this time, undoubtedly to be expedited, I hope it will not be precipitated; and if it be demanded that the most important questions be first determined, I know not any thing of greater moment than that before us.
How we shall gratify the expectations of foreign powers, ought not, my lords, to be our first or chief consideration; we ought, certainly, first to inquire how the people may be set free from those suspicions, which a long train of measures, evidently tending to impair their privileges, has raised; and how they may be confirmed in their fidelity to the government, of which they have for many years found no other effects than taxes and exactions, for which they have received neither protection abroad, nor encouragement at home.
But, my lords, if it be necessary to consult the inclinations, and cultivate the esteem of foreign powers, I believe nothing will raise more confidence in our allies, if there be any who are not now ashamed of that name, or more intimidate those whose designs it is our interest to defeat, than an open testimony of our resolution no longer to approve that conduct by which the liberty of half Europe has been endangered; and not to lavish praises on those men, who have in twenty years never transacted any thing to the real benefit of their country, and of whom it is highly probable that they have in the present war stipulated for the defeat of all our attempts, and agreed, by some execrable compact, to facilitate the exaltation of the house of Bourbon.
Upon what facts I ground accusations so atrocious may justly be inquired by your lordships; nor shall I find any difficulty in answering your demand. For, if we extend our view over the whole world, and inquire into the state of all our affairs, we shall find nothing but defeats, miscarriages, and impotence, with their usual consequences, contempt and distrust. We shall discover neither any tokens of that fear among our enemies, which the power of the nation, and the reputation of our former victories, might naturally produce; nor any proofs of that confidence among those whom we still continue to term our allies, which the vigour with which we have formerly supported our confederacies, give us a right to expect. Those whom we once trampled, insult us; and those whom we once protected, give us no credit.
How reasonably, my lords, all nations have withdrawn from us their reverence and esteem, will appear by a transient examination of our late conduct, whether it regarded Europe in general, or influenced only the particular affairs of the British nation; for it will appear beyond possibility of doubt, that whoever has trusted the administration, whether their own country, or any foreign powers, has trusted only to be betrayed.
There is among our allies none whom we are more obliged to support than the queen of Hungary, whose rights we are engaged, by all the solemnities of treaties, to defend, and in whose cause every motive operates that can warm the bosom of a man of virtue. Justice and compassion plead equally on her side, and we are called upon to assist her by our own interest, as well as the general duty of society, by which every man is required to prevent oppression.
What has been the effect of all these considerations may easily be discovered from the present state of the continent, which is ravaged without mercy by the armies of Spain and France. Why all succours have been denied the queen of Hungary, and why the inveterate and hereditary enemies of our nation, are suffered to enlarge their dominions without resistance; why the rivals of our trade are left at full liberty to equip their squadrons, and the persecutors of our religion suffered to overrun those countries from whence only we can hope for assistance, when the hatred which the difference of opinions produces, shall threaten us with invasions and slavery, the whole world has long asked to no purpose, and, therefore, it is without prospect of receiving satisfaction that I engage in the same inquiry.