In 1786, he traveled through various parts of Germany, and visited the courts of Vienna and Berlin. He became acquainted with Frederick II. the greatest royal tactician of Europe; and probably availed of the opportunity of attending his reviews, to increase his knowledge of military discipline. Soon after his return to France, we find him uniting his influence and efforts with the celebrated philosopher, Malesherbes, who was zealously engaged in favour of the French protestants. At this time, also, he joined a society in Paris, whose object was the gradual emancipation of the unfortunate Africans: so generous and active are the principles of liberty, that they never cease to urge those, who yield to their influence, to deeds of benevolence and humanity. In 1787, he was chosen a deputy to the assembly of the States General, by the nobility of Auvergne, his native province; and at this time he shared largely in the popular favour. But, although subsequently found among the most zealous for a new constitution, by which the power of the monarch was greatly curtailed, he now voted with the other members of the order of nobles, and contended for their distinct authority.
At this meeting of the States General, however, he was active in procuring a favorable decree for the protestants, and was the first to raise his voice for the suppression of "lettres de cachet." This convocation of the States General, composed of separate chambers or orders, had not been long in session, when great difficulties arose in consequence of various plans, and the conflicting opinions of different factions, (for factions were now beginning to appear;) and it was proposed to call a "National Assembly." It does not appear, that this was a favorite measure of Lafayette; though, from his avowed sentiments respecting the equal rights of man, it cannot be doubted, that he approved of the plan. For in 1789, he became a member of this celebrated assembly, whose acts not only laid the foundation, for a radical change in the government of France, but tended directly to destroy the whole power of the monarch. Even here, indeed, he appeared as the friend and advocate of Louis; and however ardent he was for an amelioration of the condition of the people, by rendering the civil government more mild, than heretofore, he was sincere and active in providing for the personal safety of his Prince, and for the honor of his crown, conformably to his views of political liberty.
He had, in truth, a most difficult part to act. He was ardently attached to the cause of freedom, and wished the people should have the public enjoyment of their just and national principles. And he was equally desirous, that his royal master should still retain such a portion of authority, as would be requisite to the dignity of the first magistrate of a great nation.—But the accomplishment of such generous sentiments was utterly impossible. Neither Louis, nor his courtiers could consent to the limitations of the royal authority, proposed by the reformers, and which were necessary to a just exercise of power in the people, whose representatives should share in the administration of the government. And many of the leaders in the revolution, even in its incipient stage, on the other hand, had such ambitious views, or visionary projects, that nothing would satisfy them, but an entire relinquishment of power long claimed and exercised by the Kings of this ancient nation.
In 1789, the new constitution was proposed by the National Assembly, by which the distinct and independent power of the monarch was almost annihilated; and the whole legislative authority was given to the representatives of the people. That Lafayette, and some others who advocated this instrument, were actuated by a disinterested love of the people, and believed that sufficient power was reserved to the King to secure respect for him, as the political head of the nation, cannot be doubted. We have only to lament, that subsequent events afforded proofs of the unfitness of the French people, at that period, for the blessings of a more popular government. It must also be admitted, that many who professed republicanism, and boasted of their regard to the people's rights were unprincipled and ambitious men, whom power had intoxicated, or who entertained views of government utterly inconsistent with the just authority of the laws, and the safety of individuals. Lafayette offered the declaration of the rights of man, at this period, for the sanction of the assembly: And though he was accused by the anti-revolutionists, as the author of all the excesses and cruelties which followed, for this proposition, it may justly be said in his behalf, that it contained no other axioms, than are admitted, by all impartial writers, as essential in free governments. The King and his courtiers condemned them; and jacobins and demagogues afterwards abused them, in their wild notions of republicanism, or their selfish projects of personal aggrandizement.
Lafayette was charged with indiscretion and want of judgment, for the active and zealous part which he took in the revolution, not only by bigoted monarchists, but by some who were friendly to republican institutions. He is said to have declared, "that when oppression and tyranny were at their height, insurrection became a duty." This declaration, however, when candidly considered, implies no more, than was frequently expressed by the patriots of America, when opposing the arbitrary power of the British ministry, and advocating independence as the only remedy. The ardour and enthusiasm of Lafayette, probably, betrayed him into some practical errors, and led him to utter expressions, which were capable of being pressed into the service of jacobins and anarchists. We only contend, that he had no selfish views to accomplish—and that he was really friendly to the welfare and honor of his Prince, as well as to the liberty and happiness of the French people.
This is fully established by the fact, that, at this period and afterwards, when jacobin clubs were formed and acted as dictators to the National Assembly, he became obnoxious to them, for his firmness in adhering to constitutional principles; and, though generally censured by the royalists as an advocate for liberty and reform, was hated and opposed by the factions, with the pretence of his being still attached to the ancient regime. He retained his hold on the affections of the people for some time, and enjoyed also, more of the confidence and regard of the King, then any other who had favored the revolution. The court found him, at least, candid and sincere; and he often exposed himself to imminent danger in their defence. As proof of the former, he was chosen Vice President of the national assembly, in the absence of the aged President, July 1789; and appointed to the command of the citizens of Paris, to quell the riots, and to restore tranquility to the city, when an alarming tumult existed, in consequence of the want of bread among the lower classes. As evidence of the latter, the King often consulted him in cases of difficulties and danger; and entrusted his person and family to his custody, when threatened by a lawless mob, though he well knew the sentiments of Lafayette, on the great question of royal authority.
When he was appointed to the command of the Parisian militia, (afterwards denominated the national guard,) which had been promptly organized according to a plan of his suggesting, it was a time of great confusion and tumult. He accepted the appointment from the most patriotic motives. Drawing his sword before an immense concourse of citizens then assembled, "Lafayette made a vow to sacrifice his life, if necessary, to the preservation of that precious liberty which had been entrusted to him." It was then too, at the moment of his "brightest popularity," that he exhorted those who pressed around him, "to love the friends of the people; but, at the same time, to maintain an entire submission to the laws, and to cherish a zeal for liberty."
He manifested the highest respect for the civil power, even when he commanded the national guard and Parisian militia, though with this immense military force, and with his unbounded popularity, he might have safely followed his own wishes. The Parisians were eager to march to Versailles, where the King and court resided, to demand an immediate supply of bread. The mob proceeded thither in great numbers, and still greater tumult. He declined marching the military, until he had the express consent and order of the National Assembly. And on his arrival, he immediately joined with the king's body guard, in suppressing the riotous proceedings of the promiscuous multitude, who had previously reached the place, and were committing depredations even in the royal palace. This was a scene of great confusion and alarm; and violence and bloodshed ensued. The enemies of Lafayette pretended, that he might have prevented the mischief, by timely and decisive measures. But impartial witnesses testified, "that, from the first moment of the alarm, he had even exceeded his usual activity." He appeared in every quarter. "Gentlemen," said he to the Parisian soldiers, "I have pledged my word and honor to the King, that nothing belonging to him shall receive injury. If I break my word, I shall no longer be worthy of being your commander." The people insisted, that the King should go to Paris; and on consulting with the Marquis, who gave assurances of protection and respect, he proceeded to the city, accompanied by his family, and was received with great acclamations of vive Le Roi.
Lafayette still retained his great popularity and influence. The Court party had perfect confidence in his integrity and honor, though they did not approve of his revolutionary principles. And the friends of the constitution found in him one of their most zealous and able supporters. These, however, soon become divided into clubs and parties; some of whom were aiming at more power for the representatives of the people, and for divesting Louis of every thing but the name of King. To this description of politicians, Lafayette, and others who constituted the majority of the National Assembly at this time, were opposed. They considered the King as still the fountain of all executive authority, and were willing that he should also have a veto upon their legislative proceedings—His person, they declared, was inviolable, and his crown hereditary. Put the more violent revolutionists, who soon became known by the distinctive appellation of Jacobins, formed themselves into a club; where extravagant measures were proposed and then presented to the assembly; and frequently were adopted, through intrigue and threats, when a majority of the members were dissatisfied with them.
Attached to the constitution, a friend to justice and order, and an advocate for the dignity and authority of the monarch, as limited and defined by the constitution, Lafayette was among the most open and decided in counteracting the views of the Duc de Orleans, Mirabeau, Petion, Brissot, Robespeirre, and others of the jacobin faction, who aimed at further changes to fulfill their own selfish and ambitious designs. Orleans was an unprincipled and dangerous nobleman; of royal blood and cousin to Louis: But his object was to bring about an entire revolution, and place himself on the throne of France. He, therefore, hated and feared Lafayette; who, he knew, was too honest to further his plans, and too powerful to allow him to succeed: Orleans became obnoxious and was persuaded to leave the kingdom. But he soon returned; and promoted or approved the shocking excesses which were afterwards committed.