HENRY II. (Plantagenet.)
Henry at his Accession found himself so contracted in his Royal Revenues, by the imprudence of his immediate Predecessor, Stephen, that some spirited measures became necessary, to enable him to support his dignity equal to the Sovereign of a great Kingdom, and his own wishes.
Henry soon saw that the resumption of several grants made by Stephen was absolutely necessary; and these having been conferred on great and powerful men, the measure must be conducted with firmness and delicacy. In a Treaty made at Winchester, after the close of the Civil Commotions in the late Reign, after Stephen had contented himself that Henry, then Duke of Normandy, should assume the Rights and Power of a King, reserving to himself only the Image of the Royal Dignity, it was stipulated, inter alia, by a separate and secret article, that the King (Stephen) "should resume what had been alienated to the Nobles, or usurped by them, of the Royal Demesne[119]." This article was limited to whatever lands or possessions had belonged to the Crown at the death of King Henry I.; all which were to be restored, except those that Stephen had granted to William his Son, or had bestowed on the Church. Among these resumable gifts were some made by Matilda; for she too, acting as Sovereign, had followed Stephen's example, in giving away certain parts of the Estate of the Crown, to reward her adherents. Add to these, much that had been usurped by the Barons of both Parties, without any warrant, by the licence of the times, on unjustifiable pretences[120]. No article of the Treaty of Winchester was more necessary to be fulfilled than a resumption of all these alienations, which had been neglected by Stephen, indigent as he was; for, had this not been now executed, Henry would have been little better than Stephen, a Sovereign without a Royal Revenue—"Rex et preterea nihil."—His power would soon have vanished; and the Barons, having usurped the Crown Lands, would very soon have contended for the Sovereign Power: and had not Henry exerted the spirit and conduct which he soon shewed, it is more than probable the Government of the Kingdom at this period had sunk into an Aristocracy. Henry, therefore, as soon as he was well and fully confirmed on the Throne, set about the execution of this secret article of the Treaty of Winchester, relating to the alienated lands, which Stephen had neglected. The necessity of this measure, however arduous and disagreeable in itself, appeared in the most glaring colours to Henry; for Stephen's extravagance, and the insatiable demands of his faction, had induced him to alienate so much of the ancient Demesne of the Crown, that the remaining Estate was not (as has been said) sufficient to maintain the Royal Dignity. Royal Cities, and Forts of great consequence, had been also granted away, which could not be suffered to continue in the hands of the Nobles, without endangering the peace of the Kingdom. Policy and Law concurred in demanding these concessions back again. The Antient Demesne of the Crown was held so very sacred, and so inalienable, that no length of time could give a right of prescription to any other possessors, even by virtue of grants from the Crown, against the claim of succeeding Princes[121]. William Rufus made grants, and revoked them at pleasure, to supply his extravagance and ridiculous humour. This was base and unmanly. Henry's resumptions neither impeached his generosity nor his justice. The grants he reclaimed were such as sound policy and the exigencies of the State demanded, being made by a weak Prince in embarrassed situations; as they were all of no earlier date than the Reign of King Stephen, and had not been transmitted down through several generations. Foreseeing, however, that this step would raise much discontent in those who were to be affected by it, who were numerous and powerful, Henry was cautious not to act without a legal sanction, and the approbation of his Council. He therefore summoned a Parliament, wherein almost all his Nobles were present; and having properly laid before them the wants of the Crown, the losses it had suffered, the illegality of the grants, and the urgent necessity of a speedy resumption; obtained their concurrence to it, and proceeded to put it into immediate execution. The vigour of his government was such, that he met with less opposition than he had reason to expect; very near all that had been granted to Laymen, or usurped by them, from the Royal Demesne, was surrendered to him without bloodshed, after a little delay, and some ineffectual marks of reluctance in a few of the greatest Barons[122]. The cause assigned for these resumptions was not a defect in the title of the grantor, nor any unworthiness in the grantee, but the apparent and indispensable necessity of recovering the just and inseparable Rights of the Crown. No distinction was made between the grants of Stephen and Matilda; for that would have carried an appearance of Henry's acting from motives, not of Royal economy and public expediency, but of party revenge; and by this equal and impartial proceeding, he left the adherents of Stephen no reason to complain. In the course of this business, however, Henry was once very near losing his life; for Roger de Mortimer would not submit, which obliged Henry, incensed by his obstinacy, to lead an army against him, with which he assaulted, among others, the castle of Bridgnorth, in Shropshire, which was defended by Mortimer himself. Henry commanded in person, and exposed himself to so much danger, that he would have been infallibly slain, if a faithful vassal (Hubert de St. Clare[123]) who stood by his side, had not preferred the King's life to his own; for, seeing an arrow aimed at Henry by one of Mortimer's archers, he stepped before him, and received it in his own breast. The wound proved mortal, and he expired in Henry's arms; recommending his daughter, an only child, and an infant, to the care of that Prince[124]. It is hard to say which deserves the most admiration (continues my Noble Author[125]) a subject who died to save his King, or a King whose personal virtues could render his safety so dear to a subject whom he had not obliged by any extraordinary favours[126].
Henry, now firmly seated on his Throne, possessed of an ample Royal Revenue, confirmed the Charter of his Grandfather, Henry I; but, not content only to restore good Laws, he enforced a due execution of them. This Reign is so pregnant with interesting events, and shining transactions of a public nature, that it is no wonder Historians are silent as to lesser matters, such as the internal direction of his Court; but there is, I think, little question to be made but that it was magnificent; and as England became in his Reign one of the most powerful States in Europe, one would infer that his Court was likewise equal (at least) to any other in dignity and splendour. He entertained at one time, in his Palace at Westminster, the several Ambassadors of Manuel, Emperor of Constantinople; of Frederic, Emperor of the Romans; of William, Archbishop of Triers; of the Duke of Saxony; and of Philip, Earl of Flanders: an uncommon resort in these days, who, doubtless, were attracted by the power of the King, and both received from, and added, lustre to the brilliancy and magnificence of his Court[127].
Lord Lyttelton, after giving an account of his person and temper, speaking of his munificence, says, he assigned the tenth part of the Provisions of his Household to be constantly given in daily alms to the poor; which one must imagine to have been a very considerable donation, considering the hospitable manner of living in those days. "His own table (continues his Lordship) was frugal, his diet plain, and in his dress he affected the utmost simplicity, disliking all ornaments which might encumber him in his exercise, or shew an effeminate regard to his person." He introduced the Angevin fashion of wearing short cloaks or mantles (contrary to the mode that prevailed in William Rufus's Reign), which he himself had worn from his childhood, and from which he obtained the sobriquet, or nick-name, of Court-Mantle[128]. In this he would soon be followed by his Court, and the People; for it is every day seen how fast the fashions of the Great descend into the remotest parts of the Kingdom. Lord Lyttelton, however, observes, that the long garments introduced temp. Will. Rufus, were not wholly laid aside; so that Henry's fashion did not prevail universally[129]. The use of silk made by silk-worms (the Bombycina) was brought hither from Sicily about this time; there was also a costly stuff at this day in great request here, called in Latin Aurifrisium. What it was called in English, Mr. Camden declares himself ignorant[130]; but supposes it not to mean Embroidery, although, by other testimonies, that was much worn by the Nobility, and was termed in Latin Opera Phrigia, and the corruption seems very easy and allowable. "Whatever it was," says he, "it was much desired by the Popes, and highly esteemed in Italy."
Hitherto I have not been able to learn any thing concerning Henry's Household, or the internal disposition of his Family. He appears himself to have lived in a great degree of familiarity with his Courtiers, whom he honoured with his intimacy; and would frequently unbend, and lay aside the King, and was fond of the desipere in loco. But "his good humour and jocularity," says Lord Lyttelton, "seems to have been sometimes too playful in the eye of the public; and to have carried him into things that were infra dignitatem [131]." In a note on this passage, his Lordship gives a pleasant story, which I shall relate, to relieve the Reader, and certainly cannot do it better than in his Lordship's own words, from Fitz-Stephen's Life of Archbishop Becket. "As the King and Becket, his Chancellor[132], were riding together through the streets of London, in cold and stormy weather, the King saw, coming towards them, a poor old man, in a thin coat, worn to tatters. Would it not be a great charity (said he to the Chancellor) to give this naked wretch, who is so needy and infirm, a good warm cloak? Certainly, answered that Minister; and you do the duty of a King, in turning your eyes and thoughts to such objects. While they were thus talking, the man came near; the King asked him if he wished to have a good cloak? and, turning to the Chancellor, said,—You shall have the merit of this good deed of charity; then suddenly laying hold on a fine new scarlet cloak, lined with fur, which Becket had on, he tried to pull it from him, and, after some struggle, in which they had both like to have fallen from their horses, prevailed. The poor man had the cloak, and the Courtiers laughed, like good Courtiers, at the pleasantry of the King[133]."
King Henry II. in the early part of his life, was in a very doubtful situation with regard to his accession to the Crown of England, which depended upon the success of his Mother, the Empress, against the Usurper, King Stephen. As soon, however, as he attained his sixteenth year, A. D. 1149, he came over into England; and at Carlisle, where his Great Uncle David, King of Scots, then lay, was by him made a Knight, among several others of equal age, at the feast of Pentecost[134], and for which no Aid could be demanded.
His issue, which is all that concerns the matter before us, consisted of four Sons: Henry, Richard, Geoffrey, and John; and three Daughters, Maud, Alianor, and Joan.