"Though with the North we sympathise it must not be forgotten
That with the South we've stronger ties which are composed of Cotton.
The South enslaves their fellowmen, whom we all love so dearly
The North keeps commerce bound again, which touches us more nearly.
Thus a divided duty we perceive in this hard matter.
Free Trade, or sable brothers free?
Oh, won't we choose the latter?"
"Battle of Humanity"
"Bright, Forster, the Duke of Argyll and 'Tom' Hughes spoke effectively to convince England that the United States was fighting the great battle of humanity. 'The question of intervention between the Federal and Confederate Governments arose early in the War. It was practically considered only by England and France. The latter was far more inclined to such action; it proposed it earlier, more frequently and in a more extreme form.' When the purpose of the Emancipation Proclamation was understood, the heart of the English people responded to it with an impulse no power could withstand and which no Government could defy. A great public meeting was held in London on New Year's Eve which hailed the dawn of an era of universal freedom and of closer friendship between England and America. At the same time a similar gathering in Manchester, stricken as it was with the cotton famine, adopted similar resolutions addressed to the President of the United States. At Sheffield a vast gathering passed resolutions to the effect that it was the duty of England to give her sympathy and moral support to the Northern States. All England took up the cry within the next few weeks. Deputations waited upon the American Minister with addresses of sympathy and encouragement. At least two members of the Cabinet, the Duke of Argyll and Milner Gibson, spoke publicly for the Federal Cause. Vast meetings at Spurgeon's Tabernacle and at Exeter Hall applauded the name of Lincoln and cried down that of Jefferson Davis. In Gloucestershire any apparent complicity of England with the Confederacy in the equipment of warships was condemned and in almost every considerable city or town in England, Scotland or Wales such sentiments were expressed at great popular assemblies. An increasing number of statesmen, including such men as Lord Disraeli and Lord Derby, openly espoused the Federal side."
Since the Civil War, the evidences of England's friendship have been as many as they have been valuable. We have good reason to believe, although it never can be proved as the proposals were never reduced to writing, that at the time of our war with Spain an effort was made by the Powers of Continental Europe, who were all strongly pro-Spanish and anti-American in their sympathies, to band Europe together and to intervene unitedly between the United States and Spain, but in the interests of Spain and to the detriment of the United States. This scheme was only blocked by the attitude of England.
At Manila
We should do well also to remember the day in Manila Bay when the English Fleet steamed and anchored between the German ships and Admiral Dewey's squadron and when Admiral Chichester practically gave von Diderich to understand that a shot fired against America would hit England first. Just before this war broke out, Germany went to England, unofficially, to say that that Government had it in mind to seize parts of Argentine and of Brazil and to establish Imperial colonies there, and wished to know the attitude of the English in such a contingency. England replied, also unofficially, that Germany had forgotten the Monroe Doctrine. Germany responded that she had not forgotten the Monroe Doctrine, but that she was prepared to meet that issue with America if, and when, America raised that issue. England then said that she could only consider such an act by Germany as an expression of unfriendliness and the German fleet never sailed.
Let us remember that Germany has never assented to the Monroe Doctrine. In 1898 Count von Goetzen said "About fifteen years from now my country will begin a great war. In two months she will be in Paris; then will come the crushing of England. Some months after we have finished our work in Europe we will take New York and probably Washington and hold them for some time. We will put your country in its place with reference to Germany. We will take a billion of dollars or more from New York and other places. The Monroe Doctrine will be taken charge of by us, as we will then have put you in your place and we will take charge of South America as far as we want to."
"An Impertinence"
"The Monroe Doctrine cannot be justified, it is only an aspiration which we Europeans consider an impertinence. The inviolability of American soil is invoked without there being at hand the slightest means of warding off an attack of a respectable European Power." So said Johannes Vollert in 1903.