India and Tibet / A history of the relations which have subsisted between the two countries from the time of Warren Hastings to 1910; with a particular account of the mission to Lhasa of 1904

by Sir Francis Edward Younghusband

I replied that what they had agreed to was what cost them nothing, and was, indeed, to their advantage. The opening of trade-marts would in reality prove of much more benefit to them than to us. The only thing that really cost them anything they were consistently refusing. Even on that point I was prepared to make it as easy for them in carrying out as possible, and I could not acknowledge that they had any cause for complaint.

The Tongsa Penlop then said that he hoped I would take into consideration the sufferings the Tibetans had already gone through, and, if I could, lay the matter before the Viceroy. I told the Tongsa Penlop that I was always glad to hear suggestions from one who had proved himself so stanch a friend of the British Government, and if he could think of some way which would save India from being saddled with the cost of this war, and at the same time not weigh too heavily upon the Tibetans, he would be doing a service which would be appreciated by both the Government of India and the Tibetans.

I now came to the conclusion that the Tibetans were trying to make dissension between the Resident and myself, so I asked the Amban when he next came to see me to bring the Tibetan Members of Council with him. He came on the 30th, accompanied by the Acting Regent and three Members of Council. I told him that we had had some misunderstanding with the Tibetans as to what precisely they did and did not agree to. They had informed me on a previous occasion that they had sent him a written agreement to accept all our terms except that regarding the indemnity. I proposed, therefore, on this occasion to ascertain from them precisely what they did agree to point by point. I then addressed the Tibetans in regard to Clause IX., which was the one I understood they had least objection to. I explained to them that by it we had not the least desire to supplant China in the suzerainty of Tibet. The Chinese suzerainty was fully recognized in the Adhesion Agreement, which it was proposed the Resident should sign on behalf of the Chinese Government, and China was not included in the term “foreign Power.” We were not placing a British Resident here at Lhasa, and we were not asking for any railway or other concessions. What we asked in this clause was merely what was in accordance with their traditional policy. Did they agree to the clause?

They replied that they did not want to have anything to do with foreign Powers. They would, therefore, be able to agree to it.

The clause regarding the razing of fortifications was then discussed, and they began to raise objections, but I cut them short by observing that all the fortifications named were in our hands, and would be destroyed whether they agreed or not. The clause had been drafted by Government before the fortifications were in our possession. Their agreement was, therefore, merely a formality. They said that in that case they would agree.

We then discussed at length the clauses relating to the opening of new trade-marts. They had an idea we wished them to make a road from Gyantse to Gartok, and to make big roads by blasting. I assured them that all we wanted was that the roads from the frontier to Gyantse, and from the frontier to Gartok, should be kept in repair. We did not expect new roads to be constructed by them, but existing roads kept suitable for trade purposes.

The sentence regarding the opening of more trade-marts in future they very strongly objected to. I pointed out, however, that we were merely asking them to consider this, and not to decide on it now. I said we might reasonably have now demanded a mart here, at Lhasa itself, and in half a dozen other places, and I could not permit them to refuse merely considering the question of future extension. The Resident added that their objections were frivolous, and trade-marts were to their advantage. To the establishment of marts at Gyantse and Gartok they agreed, and the discussion having now lasted two hours, and I having told the Amban that we had done about as much as it was possible to do in one day, he dismissed them.

The next day the Ti Rimpoche, the Tongsa Penlop, and the Nepalese representative came to see me. The Ti Rimpoche said that there was a good deal of opposition to the clause regarding opening other trade-marts in future. The Tibetans did not wish to be bound by anything in regard to the future. I said it was really the least important sentence in the whole Convention. It secured nothing definite for us. It did not say, for instance, that after ten years a third trade-mart should be opened, but merely that the matter should be considered. Now, however, that the matter had, in the last official interview with the Amban, been put forward in official discussion by the Tibetan Council, I was bound to maintain the sentence. While I did not expect that they should now accede to the future opening of trade-marts, I could not accept their refusal to open them. The matter must remain, as stated in the draft Convention, one for future consideration.

The Ti Rimpoche then again dwelt upon the impossibility of paying what he considered so heavy an indemnity. He said, laughing, that we must remember the losses which not only we, but their own troops, had inflicted on the country. I repeated my old arguments as to the unfairness of saddling India with the whole cost of a war necessitated by the folly and stupidity of Tibetans. It was bad enough to impose on India half the cost, but anything more than that would be a great injustice. The Ti Rimpoche said that we were putting on the donkey a greater load than it could possibly carry. I replied that I was not asking the donkey to carry the whole load in one journey. It could go backwards and forwards many times, carrying a light load each journey. The Ti Rimpoche laughed again, and asked what would happen if the donkey died. I said I should ask the Resident to see that the donkey was properly treated, so that there should be no fear of its dying. Dropping metaphor, I told the acting Regent I was really quite prepared to receive proposals as to easier methods of paying the indemnity. If, for instance, they could not pay the full amount in three years, I would receive and consider proposals as to paying in a larger number of years, or any other reasonable proposal.

The Ti Rimpoche replied that the Tibetans disliked the idea of prolonging the time during which they would be under obligation to us. They wanted to settle the business up at once and have done with it. I asked him if, in that case, he had any other suggestions to make. He made none, but the Tongsa Penlop suggested to him that the Tibetans should let us collect the Customs duties at the new trade-marts, and get the amount of the indemnity from that source. The Ti Rimpoche said that, while he personally saw the wisdom of agreeing to our terms, he could not persuade the National Assembly to be reasonable. I said I quite saw that he was more sensible than the National Assembly, and that he was doing his best to bring them to reason. When, therefore, I used hard words and employed threats, he must consider them as directed at the stupid, obstructive people, and not at himself personally.