We had settled with Tibet direct, as was Lord Curzon’s chief object, and it had been proposed that China should sign what was styled an Adhesion Agreement, formally acknowledging the Tibetan Treaty. But Yu-tai, the Resident at Lhasa, was instructed not to sign any such agreement, and a Special Envoy was sent by the Chinese Government to Calcutta to treat with the Indian Government in the matter. Yu-tai himself had been specially deputed for these negotiations regarding Tibet, but apparently he was considered too complacent, and first of all, Mr. Tang, and then Mr. Chang, were sent to Calcutta, and from now onwards the Chinese showed first great diplomatic insistence, and then great military activity, in regard to Tibet, till, profiting by the jealousy between us and the Russians, which had prevented our reaping all the fruits of the Mission to Lhasa, they one by one gathered those fruits themselves.
Nothing resulted from Mr. Tang’s visit to India, and ill-health caused him to return to China. But on April 27, 1906, in place of an Adhesion Agreement, a Convention was signed at Peking between Great Britain and China which “confirmed” the Lhasa Convention of 1904. In addition, Great Britain engaged “not to annex Tibetan territory, or to interfere in the administration of Tibet”; while the Chinese Government undertook “not to permit any other foreign State to interfere with the territory or internal administration of Tibet.” We were entitled to lay down telegraph-lines to connect the trade-marts with India. And it was laid down that the provisions of the old Convention of 1890, and the Trade Regulations of 1893, remained in full force.
The signature of this Convention, far from improving our status in Tibet, or conferring any increased regularity upon our intercourse, seems to have had a precisely opposite effect. The impression was spread abroad in Tibet that this new Convention superseded the Lhasa Convention, and the Chinese assumed that we had virtually recognized their sovereignty in the country. They had obtained from us the engagement not to annex Tibetan territory, and with this and the renewed formal recognition of their rights of suzerainty after they had shown themselves so incapable of carrying out their suzerain duties, we might have expected that they would have shown at least a neighbourly feeling in Tibetan affairs, but we have so far been disappointed in this respect, and the 1906 Convention promises to be as little use to us as the 1890 Convention.
The first indications of the tone which the Chinese were going to adopt in Tibet was furnished by Mr. Chang, who was now appointed a High Commissioner for Tibet. On his arrival in Chumbi there was at once an “incident” with the British officer, Lieutenant Campbell, in political charge there. Lieutenant Campbell had been specially chosen for his knowledge of the Chinese language and customs. He had spent a year in China learning the language, and had carried out a remarkable and interesting journey from Peking to Kashmir by Chinese Turkestan. On Mr. Chang’s arrival in Chumbi, Mr. Campbell proceeded in uniform to call on him, but he was first asked to enter by a side door, and afterwards told that Mr. Chang was not very well and was lying down. This may have been the case, but, combined with other acts, it produced the impression that he meant to ignore the British occupation and assert Chinese authority.
Mr. Chang’s action at Gyantse gave rise to a similar impression that he was aiming at the belittlement of British influence rather than at cordially co-operating with our officers as Yu-tai had. He posted there a Chinese official named Gow as Sub-Prefect, with the title of Chinese Commissioner in charge of the Chinese Trade and Diplomatic Agency; and this Mr. Gow proved so contumacious that Sir Edward Grey had eventually to press for his withdrawal. He threatened to stop the supply of provisions by Tibetans to our Trade Agent unless they were paid for at rates to be fixed by himself; and he also, apparently under sanction from Peking, claimed that in all transactions between the Tibetans and British officers he should act as intermediary.
This was a clear enough indication of Mr. Chang’s line. He meant to get in between us and the Tibetans. And the Tibetans at Gyantse had many rumours just now that he was going to eject the Europeans and the Indian troops from Gyantse; that if the Indian Government did not agree, Chinese troops would be sent to expel us by force from Tibet. It was explained that Chinese troops were not sent to oppose us during the time of the Tibet Mission because there was no time to collect them. It was also reported that Mr. Chang intended to object to British officials and other Europeans travelling in Tibet except between the trade-marts and India. And this is what in fact he did in the case of Sven Hedin. He wrote him a very polite note saying what interest he took in geography and so forth, but adding: “The last treaty between China and Great Britain contains a paragraph declaring that no stranger, whether he be Englishman or Russian, an American or European, has any right to visit Tibet, the three market towns excepted.” The Treaty has no such clause. It simply confirmed the Lhasa Treaty, in which was a clause stipulating that the agents or representatives of foreign Powers should not be admitted. As a matter of fact Sven Hedin was not the agent of a foreign Power, but a scientific traveller, and in any case the Lhasa Treaty simply laid down that agents should not be admitted “without the previous consent of the British Government.” Sven Hedin was then at Shigatse. He was being most cordially received by the Tashi Lama, who was quite willing to let him travel where he liked. It was merely Mr. Chang who twisted and misquoted the Lhasa Treaty to exclude him.
Later other evidence of Mr. Chang’s antipathy came to light. The Tibetan Jongpens at Gyantse informed Captain O’Connor in January, 1907, that since his arrival upon the scene their position had become very difficult, for he had told them that in future the Chinese were to act as intermediaries between the English and Tibetans, and so before complying with any request of his they would be obliged to ask the permission of Mr. Gow. And on March 5 Captain O’Connor telegraphed that he was now completely cut off from personal intercourse with Tibetan officials, as Mr. Gow refused to let the Jongpens see him.
In other directions also the change for the worse since Mr. Chang’s arrival was apparent. The Resident Yu-tai, with whom I negotiated in 1904, was reported to have been dismissed from office and imprisoned in fetters in January, 1907. His Secretary was also degraded, and a desire to sweep away all Chinese officials connected with the improvement of our relations with the Tibetans seemed to have inspired Mr. Chang’s actions. A similar resentment against Tibetan officials concerned with the recent negotiations was also shown, two Councillors and a General being degraded. These incidents afforded, in the opinion of the Government of India, indubitable proof of Mr. Chang’s determination to upset the status quo and destroy the position secured to us by the Mission. Mr. Chang’s assumption seems to have been that virtual recognition of Chinese sovereignty over Tibet was involved in the signature of the latest Convention with China.
So clear, indeed, had the intention of the Chinese to work against us rather than with us been showing itself that Sir Edward Grey, on February 9, 1907,[[45]] telegraphed to Sir John Jordan that, while it was our desire to have matters put right, not by separate action in Tibet, but through the medium of the Chinese Government, he should bring Mr. Chang’s action to the attention of the Chinese Government, and point out to them that the recognition by China of the Lhasa Treaty was not consistent with the punishment of officials for being concerned in its negotiation. Our Minister was further to state that interference by Chinese officers with the freedom of the dealings between the Tibetan Agent and the British Trade Agent at Gyantse could not be permitted by His Majesty’s Government.
Again, on March 15,[[46]] he telegraphed that “the right of direct communication between the British Agent and local Tibetan authorities must be firmly insisted on,” and the Chinese Government must be “urged to send very clear instructions in this sense to Chang.”