From this correspondence, taken with other actions of the Chinese, it was reasonably evident that the Chinese meant to take the temporal power from the Dalai Lama. But the point whether the Resident actually promised that more than 1,000 Chinese troops should not be brought to Lhasa is not clear. Anyhow, there is no mention of any more than 1,000, and no intimation that more than 1,000 were coming, or request that they might be allowed to. In India British troops are not sent into a Native State without at least an intimation, and when the Resident had made no mention of more than 1,000 being sent, the Tibetan Government had some justification for complaining when more than 1,000 arrived.
For this is what now happened. The Chinese, to the number of 2,000, advanced from Chiamdo, where, on January 20, a small fight took place between the Chinese and Tibetans; eight Chinese and fifteen Tibetans being killed, and eighteen of the latter being captured, all of whom were at once beheaded. The Tibetan troops then withdrew, and on February 12 forty Chinese mounted infantry and 200 infantry arrived suddenly in Lhasa, while 1,000 more were only two marches behind. A crowd of unarmed Tibetans went to look at the new arrivals and the Chinese fired into the midst, killing two Tibetan policemen, and wounding a high Tibetan official and an old woman.
This is the Tibetan version of what happened. The Chinese asserted that, although the Resident had gone to meet the Dalai Lama, yet the latter had refused to see the Resident again to discuss matters amicably; had prevented the Resident and his escort from obtaining the usual supplies, and by refusing transport had endeavoured to cut off communication with China. Bodies of Tibetans had impeded the march of the troops from the first, and finally the supplies collected for the Chinese troops had been burnt, although it had been carefully explained to the Dalai Lama that the troops were coming as police, and to protect trade-marts, and that no alteration whatever in the internal administration or interference with the Church was in contemplation. The right to station troops in Tibet had always rested with China, and the object of sending the recent reinforcements was merely to secure observance of Treaty rights, to protect the trade-routes and to maintain peace and order.
Such was the account given by the President of the Wai-wu-pu to our Minister at Peking. But the Dalai Lama, remembering what had happened just recently in Eastern Tibet under Chao Erh-feng, who was now himself at Chiamdo, was not so confident as to what these additional troops were meant for. When the new arrivals entered Lhasa on February 12, three of his chief Ministers were with him in the Potala, and during the meeting news came that the Chinese had despatched ten soldiers to the house of each Minister to arrest him. Upon hearing this, and that more than the 1,000 Chinese troops had entered Lhasa territory, the Dalai Lama and his Ministers decided to fly, and they left Lhasa that same night.
The Dalai himself gave these to Mr. Bell as his reasons for flying. He said that the promise of the Emperor of China that he would retain his former power and position in Tibet had been broken since his return to Lhasa. The Chinese police already in Lhasa and the forty mounted infantry had fired upon inoffensive Tibetans, and he fled because he feared he would be made a prisoner in the Potala, and that he would be deprived of all temporal power.
He left Lhasa with the Minister and Councillors, who were afraid to return to their houses, at midnight on February 12. Accompanying him were about 200 soldiers and various officials and attendants. The next day they reached the ferry over the Brahmaputra River at Chaksam, where he left the soldiers to check any Chinese who might come in pursuit, while he himself crossed the river and proceeded to Nagartse which he reached on the 15th—very rapid travelling.
The Chinese did pursue him, which is a point to note, as tending to increase the suspicion that they really had meant to make a prisoner of him. A fight took place at Chaksam, in which several Chinese—one report says sixty—were killed, but after which the Tibetans dispersed. And, according to the Dalai Lama, 400 Chinese troops were sent by the direct road from Lhasa to Phari, and another party of 300 along the road to Gyantse, while rewards were promised to anyone who might effect his capture or might capture or kill his Ministers. Some of the Chinese letters offering these rewards fell into his hands.
The Dalai Lama himself had meanwhile pressed rapidly on. On the 16th he crossed the Karo-la, the scene of Colonel Brander’s fight, and reached Ralung. Nor was reached on the 17th, Dochen on the 18th, and Phari on the 19th. Here lots were cast as to whether he should proceed viâ Bhutan, Khamba Jong, or Gnatong. The lot fell on the last route, and, reinforced by about 100 men of the Chumbi Valley, he was escorted as far as Yatung on the 20th. With still further reinforcements and with fresh supplies he was escorted up to the Sikkim frontier on the 21st, and that same day reached Gnatong, on the British side.
With the British Trade Agent at Yatung he left a message saying that it was his intention to go to India to consult the British Government. He had appointed a Regent and Acting Minister at Lhasa, but he and the Ministers who accompanied him had their seals with them. He looked to the British for protection, and trusted that the relations between the British Government and Tibet would be that of a father to his children.
The Viceroy sent instructions to the authorities at Darjiling to show him every courtesy on his arrival there, about the 27th, but to treat his visit as private. The effect of the flight of the Lama and his Ministers, not only in Nepal, Sikkim, and Bhutan, but also on Indian opinion, would, Lord Minto said, be profound, for in all these countries he was regarded with veneration and awe. He thought it of the first importance, therefore, to treat the Dalai Lama with high consideration.