I visited the Resident on the following day, and thanked him for procuring the release of the two Sikkim men. He said he would denounce the Dalai Lama to the Emperor if he did not come back, and would summon the Tashi Lama, with a view to making him the head of the whole Buddhist Church in Tibet. He also said that he recognized the Ti Rimpoche, who held the seal left by the Dalai Lama, as the principal in the negotiations. This was a decided advance, though it had taken a fortnight of my precious six weeks to make; and I was also able to report to Government that the general situation was certainly improving; that supplies, which at first we had been only able to secure by the threat of force and by surrounding a monastery, were now coming in steadily; and people were showing growing confidence, while even the National Assembly were slowly giving way, and the party in favour of settlement were increasing in influence.
On August 19 the Resident visited me, and handed to me the second reply of the Tibetan Government to his letter forwarding to them the terms of the settlement we now wished to make with them. The first reply he had been unable to forward, as it was too impudent. This second reply, he said, I would find on perusal was more satisfactory, though it still fell short of what he would expect the Tibetans to agree to.
I told the Resident that I found it difficult to make the Tibetans realize that the main points in the settlement we should expect them to agree to without question. The period in which the indemnity was to be paid might be a matter for discussion, but there was no question as to its having to be paid some time. Similarly, they must agree to having marts at Gyantse and Gartok. I remarked that I had all along been of opinion that nothing could be got out of these Tibetans except by pressure, and I was fully prepared to act. At the same time, it would be much more satisfactory if the needful pressure could be put on by the Resident, as I had no wish to take more action unless absolutely compelled to.
I added that a difficulty I experienced in dealing with the Tibetans was in talking with so many representatives at the same time. Half a dozen delegates would come to me, and each one insist upon having his say, and no responsible head was recognized. The Amban said that he, too, had had this difficulty, but that he had recognized the Regent as the principal in these negotiations, and from now on he intended to negotiate with him alone; he was the best man among the leading Tibetans, and came next after the Dalai Lama in the Lhasa province. I said this seemed to me a wise course, for I had found the Regent a sensible man, and he was much respected by the people.
As regards the Convention itself, the Amban said he would have to discuss the clause regarding trade-marts with me. I said I was prepared to talk the matter over, but we should have to insist upon establishing trade-marts at Gyantse and Gartok, and I did not understand the Tibetan objections to the establishment of a mart at Gyantse, for we had the right more than a century ago to have one even at Shigatse. This right had not been exercised for a great number of years, but at one time Indian traders visited Shigatse regularly.
We now received certain information that the Dalai Lama had finally fled. He had written to the National Assembly, saying that the English were very crafty people, and warning them to be careful in making an agreement with them, and to bind them tight. He added that he himself would go away and look after the interests of the faith. His departure was not regretted by Tibetans.
The Ti Rimpoche and others came to me on the 21st with silks to the value of Rs. 5,000, which I had imposed as a fine for the assault which a monk with a sword had made just outside our camp on Captains Cooke-Young and Kelly, dealing the former a very severe blow over the head. After this the Ti Rimpoche, the Tongsa Penlop, and the Nepalese representative proceeded to talk over the general situation. The Ti Rimpoche said that he himself had no objection to our terms except in regard to the indemnity, which he thought was too heavy, as Tibet was a poor country. He pointed out the difficulty which the Tibetans had found in paying up the small fine I had imposed on them, and asked how they could be expected to pay the sum of Rs. 50,000 a day which I was demanding. He said, of course, we thought ourselves in the right in this quarrel, but it was difficult for him to make the Assembly acquiesce in this view, and it might be well if I would impress our views upon them.
I said that if only they had behaved more sensibly in the beginning all this trouble would have been saved: there would have been no war, and no indemnity would have been asked. We had not wished for war, and I had gone with Captain O’Connor, without any escort, into their camp at Guru in January to reason quietly with the leaders there, and ask them to report my views to Lhasa. If we had wanted war I should never have so acted. That I did was proof that we wished for peace. But they refused to report my words to Lhasa, and hence this trouble. The Ti Rimpoche here interpolated that they were afraid to report anything to the Dalai Lama. I went on to say that it was not fair to expect India to pay all the cost of a war brought on by the foolishness of the Tibetan rulers, so we had to ask that the Tibetans should pay part of the sum. Yet even now we were not asking for more than half of the whole cost. I was demanding Rs. 50,000 a day from the date of the attack on the Mission till a month after the date on which the Convention was signed. The Ti Rimpoche would note that I was not asking payment from the date of the Guru fight, because that fight might have been due to mere foolishness on the part of the leaders, but from the date when the Tibetans deliberately attacked the Mission at Gyantse, after I had repeatedly notified that I had come to negotiate. From that date, therefore, we expected them to contribute to the cost of military operations.
The Ti Rimpoche had said that the Tibetans had very little cash. If that was so, I was prepared to consider the question of extending the period in which the payment of the indemnity could be made. I would also consider whether some of it could not be paid in kind to the trade agent in Gyantse and the officer commanding in Chumbi. The Ti Rimpoche said he wished the settlement with us to be fully completed now, so that we could have it over and be friends; but if the Tibetans had to go on paying us an indemnity for some years after, the raw would be kept up, and friendship would be difficult. I replied that if they would now at once pay the indemnity, we should be only too glad. But, in any case, we would not on our side harbour any ill-feelings towards the Tibetans, with whom we had no other desire than to live on terms of friendship.
The Tongsa Penlop then said that Tibet, Nepal, and Bhutan were bound together by the same religion, and all bordered on India. They ought, therefore, to look on England as their friend and leader. The English had no wish to interfere with them, but did not like anyone else interfering. They ought to stand together, therefore, for if one was hurt all were hurt. They could rely, however, on their big neighbour England to help them in time of trouble if they kept on good terms with her. The Nepalese representative agreed with the Tongsa Penlop that all four countries should be on terms of friendship with one another, and that Tibet, Nepal, and Bhutan should always preserve good relations with their neighbour England. The Ti Rimpoche said he trusted that when this settlement was made Tibet and England would always be on terms of friendship. The Tibetans had no wish to have relations with any other Power, and desired now to keep on good terms with England. I replied that we had been on perfectly good terms with Tibet for more than a century up till the time of the Sikkim War, and I hoped that when the present settlement was made we should be friends for ever.