I can state from my own observation, that I have not conversed on the subject with a single individual in Belgium, who expressed himself thoroughly satisfied with the present posture of affairs. On the contrary, I have found every where irritated dissatisfaction, and if not open regret for the events of 1830, and distinct wishes for a reunion with Holland, the utmost perplexity to discover some yet untried expedient, which would hold out a hope of restoring the country to its tranquil prosperity, whether as an independent nation, or in incorporation with some other state. On all hands, it seemed to be felt that for things to go on as at present is impossible, this was the constant theme of conversation in society, and the pamphlets and brochures which I picked up in the shops, are filled with discussions of the same subject, but in terms much more acrimonious and exciting.

One of these, which I found selling at Ghent, entitled “La Belgique de Leopold, par un voyageur Français,” and which though strongly in favour of Holland, is evidently written by a person well informed on the state of Belgium, thus speaks of the present state of feeling in that country; and the publicity with which pamphlets of this kind are exposed for sale, and their circulation are evidences of an extensive sympathy with the author’s views. “The Belgians,” the author says, “of all classes, representatives and constituencies, rich and poor, long for the arrival of the moment, which is to disembarrass them from an imaginary nationality, a delusive freedom and an independence, whose very name has become a jest—but they want as yet the energy which is essential to hasten their relief. It is possible, that in the little circle, whose life and fortunes are dependent upon Leopold, there may be some who flatter themselves with the hope that the ratification of the treaty of 1839, is the consolidation and establishment of his power * * But the vast body of the nation less involved in the immediate question of the revolution, are far from regarding the present peaceful position as one of long duration, although guaranteed to the new state in the name of the same powerful courts, which by treaties not less solemn and sage had conferred the crown upon the former dynasty from whose brows, it had been rudely torn by the revolution * * * At this moment, the prolonged existence of Belgium, as an independent state, is a matter of impossibility, its manufactures, its commerce and its prosperity are annihilated, and it is crushed to the earth under the pressure of its debt and taxes. Without ships, colonies or commerce, and encumbered by an army, which never fights, and fortresses destined for demolition, it is merely the jibe and the laughing stock of Europe * * * The very authors of the revolt of 1830, blush for their own handiwork, and those who were then the most zealous apostles of revolution, now preach only contrition and repentance. The defection is universal—and above all the army,—the army, exposed every day to the most cutting sarcasms, vents its indignation in menaces and murmurs. Every class of the population, including those who would have been perfectly contented with the present order of things, were the circumstances of the country at all tolerable; the whole nation, in short, except the fraction of a fraction, without numbers, wealth nor weight, unite in aspiration for the return of the House of Orange; and the restoration of the kingdom of 1815, is in every heart and on every tongue * * Belgium, has herself, no other alternative left to her, and if from predilection and choice she does not invoke the return of a race of princes enlightened, paternal, courageous and brave, she must speedily be reduced by famine, to implore the restoration, as her only relief from evils of the last extremity. Their restoration may be regarded, at this moment, as morally accomplished, the universal voice of the nation has decreed it, and it requires but an accident, an excuse, a name, a banner, and the existence of the revolutionary kingdom is terminated without another ‘protocol.’”[40]

Under these circumstances, the position of King Leopold must be any thing but an easy one, if his ambition extends to the foundation of a royal dynasty for his descendants. The religious grievances of the nation are, it is too much to be feared, beyond his reach to correct, and the evils which beset and endanger its internal prosperity, arising out of the circumscribed resources of the nation, must look in vain to them for redress. The fundamental defect is the want of an adequate consumption for the produce of the national industry, and for this the ingenuity of the government has been ineffectually tortured to discover a remedy. It is idle to look to Germany or England for commercial treaties which would afford an opening for Belgian manufactures in competition with their own; important concessions have been made to France, by the reduction of duties upon her produce, when imported into Belgium, but no reciprocal advantages have been obtained in return; on the contrary, ever since 1815, when the Netherlands were taken from her, to be given to Holland, she has exhibited a waspish impatience to embarrass and undermine her prosperity. Prospects of colonization have been discussed and even proposals made to other states for permission to attempt settlements on their distant territory—and where these have failed, commercial expeditions have been dispatched to Algiers, to Egypt, to Brasil, to Bolivia and Peru, all with a view to open a trading intercourse with the natives, but each and all have proved hopelessly unsuccessful.

The manufacturers of Ghent and Verviers, have thus turned their eyes towards the Zoll-Verein, and year after year attempts have been made to effect a connexion, if not a formal juncture with the Prussian Commercial League; but here again disappointment alone awaited them, for independently of the fact, that by the constitution of the Zoll-Verein, it is accessible only to those of German blood (on which score Luxembourg might have been admissible), it was manifestly hostile to the very spirit of the league, whose object is to protect their own native manufacturers, to admit amongst them a formidable rival, who would inundate them with her produce, and could take nothing from them in return.

But if the necessities and weakness of Belgium, render it impracticable for her to continue as she is, and if national independence be irreconcilable with her prosperity, the question which occupies the thoughts of her discontented subjects, is to what quarter she shall turn for relief from without. To attach herself again to Austria, as before the French revolution, is a matter impracticable and could be productive of no advantage, even if it were otherwise. The condition of the Rhenish provinces, under the dominion of Prussia, would make her eager for a similar incorporation, but this the interests of Europe, as well as those of Prussia herself forbid.

An union with France would be equally hopeless and incompatible with the policy of the Congress of Vienna, and would, with the exception of the districts immediately bordering on the French frontier, be in the highest degree distasteful to the population at large. Their annexation to the territory of France in 1794, had been resisted by the clergy, and its termination in 1814 was hailed with rapturous impatience by all classes. Their condition under the empire had been one “of the most insignificant vassalage. Their religious institutions destroyed, their cherished privileges annihilated, and all their rights and immunities for which they had been contending for centuries before, trodden under foot.”[41] Even their commerce and manufactures were jeopardised by the jealous rivalry of their new allies, their clergy debased, and their youth drafted off by conscription to feed the slaughter of Europe. The recollection of this has left no vigorous desire for a return to fraternization with France, nor would France herself, however important Belgium might be as a political acquisition, consult the interest of her native manufactures by imparting an equality in all her advantages to competitors so formidable. Still so impatient are the Belgians to fly from the “ills they have,” that at the present moment, whilst the possibility of war between France and the rest of Europe occupies the attention of all the world, I was repeatedly assured in Belgium that it would only require France to give the signal, and a powerful section of the people would declare in her favour. So conscious are all parties of this, that the bare probability of war in Europe is looked to with the utmost alarm by the government, and the Controleur, an appropriately named journal, the organ of the clerical party, was anxiously busied, whilst I was in Ghent, in decrying any idea of a re-union with France, declaring in one of its publications early in September: “Et comme nous n’avons pas pour habitude de cacher notre manière de voir, nous dirons rondement, que nous serions plutôt Hollandais que Français.—En dépit de M. Rogier.”

Another suggestion has been the partition of Belgium between the surrounding states, but to this equally insurmountable obstacles present themselves. Antwerp and the districts on the Dutch frontier, if assigned to Holland, would have no longer employment for their capital and ships, and would again sink under the more favoured rivalry of Amsterdam and Rotterdam; and as Hainault and the fortresses along the Meuse and the Sambre would necessarily fall to the lot of France, a measure so menacing to the future security of Europe, would not be tolerated by her courts, unless these strongholds were garrisoned by the allies, an expedient which would be equally opposed by the pride and ambition of the French.

If the further experience should unfortunately decide finally against the permanence of Belgium as an independent nation, the only practical expedient which remains, and that which has already received the sanction of all the great powers of Europe, would be a return to the disposition made by the Congress of Vienna, and the reincorporation of Holland and Belgium, to form again the united kingdom of the Netherlands. Personal aversion to King William would no longer oppose a barrier to such an arrangement, as his dominion has passed into other hands, and the Prince of Orange, the present king at all times enjoyed the popular affections, if not the national confidence of the people. Should any fresh convulsion arise, which for the sake of the peace of Europe, not less than for that of King Leopold, it is most earnestly to be hoped may be yet averted, all I have either seen or been able to learn from those best informed upon the matter, leaves little doubt in my mind, that the almost unanimous wish of the people, should they be compelled to change their present dynasty, would point to the restoration of the House of Nassau.

END OF VOL. I.

LONDON:
PRINTED BY SCHULZE AND CO., 13, POLAND STREET.