If she finds her exportation of subsistence going forward, while some of her people remain in want, she may rest assured that industry is made to suffer by some internal vice; and the most probable cause of such an effect will be found to be an unequal competition between those of the lower classes, who work for a physical-necessary. This must be removed, and the statesman should never rest, until he has set the balance of work and demand so far right, as to prevent at least the scale of work from preponderating; for this is the door by which misery gets in among the people.
The scale of demand preponderating, will not now be so hurtful, as this alteration of the balance will only raise prices, and accelerate circulation, and keep the other balance, to wit, that of wealth (of which we shall treat in the following chapter) in a constant vibration, without diminution of the public stock.
Another object of a statesman’s care in these supposed circumstances, is to suffer no work whatever, nor the natural produce of any other country conducive to luxury, to be imported; for although I have said, that superfluous consumption can do little harm when the interests of foreign trade do not enter into the question so as to prevent exportation, by raising prices at home; and though the importation of foreign produce, in exchange for like commodities of national growth, does no hurt to a state with respect to her wealth, yet if such importation be an article of mere superfluity, I think a statesman should prudently discourage it; because the search of superfluities is of itself a proof of a luxurious turn, and I should wish to see this turn improved so as to promote national purposes only, that is, to the augmentation and subsistence of useful inhabitants.
Let me illustrate this by an example. Foreign wines, I shall suppose, become alamode, as a part of the luxury of an elegant table. A statesman, by his example, may discourage this, and introduce many other articles of expence in entertainments sufficient to compensate it. The furniture of apartments may be rendred more magnificent, ornaments of the side board, decoration of deserts, new amusements immediately after dinner might be introduced, which would have an air of refinement and delicacy.
By such examples he might easily substitute one expence, which might become a national improvement, in the place of another, where the luxury produces no such effect. And when prodigality and expence have neither the good effect of giving bread to the poor, nor of accelerating circulation at home in favour of the public, I can see no reason why a statesman should interest himself for their support; and much less, why a speculative person, who examines only the methods of making mankind happy by their mutual services to each other, should strain a subject, in order to find arguments proper to make either the apology or panegyric of the various schemes of dissipation.
I need not add, as a restriction of this principle of discouraging the importation of foreign commodities (which become articles of a greater superfluous home-consumption) that when such a branch of trade becomes necessary to be carried on, in order to engage a neighbouring nation to consume of home-superfluities; in this case, the luxury of the consumers of the foreign produce, has an evident tendency to national improvement. If delicate wines, and raw silk, are imported as a return for salt herrings and raw hides, the support of such a trade is only the means of making the rich consume these articles of home-production, by converting them into burgundy and velvet.
These considerations regard the augmentation, or at least the preservation of national wealth. If they are attended to, it is hardly possible that any part of what is already acquired, can go abroad; and in this case the whole balance of the exportation of natural produce becomes clear gain.
There are still several things to be observed with regard to the exportation of natural produce. Such articles as are in great abundance, and are not produced in other countries, as wines in the southern countries of Europe, ought always to be exported by the inhabitants, because considerable profits must be made upon a trade where there is no rivalship; and on such occasions, a people ought to be wise enough to keep such profits for themselves.
But if other nations will not receive them, unless they be imported by their own subjects, then the statesman may impose a duty upon exportation, which is one way of sharing the profits with the carriers. All the precaution necessary, in imposing this duty, is not to raise it so high as to diminish the demand; nor to give an encouragement to a neighbouring nation, to enter into competition for such a branch of trade.
Neighbouring states which furnish the same articles of natural produce, regulate, commonly, the duties upon exportation, in such a manner as nearly to compensate all differences which strangers may find, between trading with the one or with the other. Or they grant particular privileges in point of trade, to the nations with whom they find it most for their advantage to trade.