For what if he who is debarred for disabilitie shall afterward haue a sonne free from all defects?[67] It is without question that the right of the Kingdome should deuolue vnto him: for that the calamitie of parents doeth not preiudice their children, especially in their naturall rights, which they may claime from the person of former ancestors. But what if another be in possession of the Kingdome?[68] will he readily giue place to this right? will he readily abandon that honour, for which men will not spare, to climbe ouer all difficulties, to vndergoe all dangers; to put their goods, their liues, their soules in aduenture? If a man be once mounted into the chaire of Maiestie, it standeth not, I will not say with his dignitie, but with his safetie, to betake himselfe to a priuate State; as well for the eternall iealousie wherein he shall be held, as for the enuie which shall be borne against him vpon many of his actions: So as what some few would not doe for ambition, the same they must doe to preserue themselues. Hereupon it will follow, that the possession of the Kingdome being in one, and the right in another; disunions, factions, warres may easily ensue.

It is inconuenient (I grant) to be vnder a King who is defectiue in body or in mind; but it is a greater inconuenience, by disturbing a setled forme of gouernment, to open an entrance for all disorders; wherein ambition and insolencie (two riotous humours) may range at large. For as euill is generally of that nature, that it cannot stand, but by supportance of another euill; and so multiplieth in it selfe, vntill it doth ruine with the proper weight: so mindes hauing once exceeded the strict bounds of obedience, cease not to strengthen one bouldnesse by another, vntil they haue inuolued the whole State in confusion.

Bvt now to returne to the person and gouernment of this King William. He was a man of meane stature, thicke and square bodied, his belly swelling somewhat round; his face was red, his haire deepely yealow, by reason whereof he was called Rufus; his forehead foure square like a window, his eyes spotted and not one like the other; his speech vnpleasant and not easily vttered, especially when he was mooued with anger. He was of great abilitie in body, as well for naturall strength, as for hardinesse to endure all ordinary extremities both of trauaile and of want. In Armes he was both expert and aduenturous; full of inward brauerie and fiercenesse; neuer dismayed, alwayes forward, and for the most part fortunate; in counsaile sudden, in performance a man; not doubting to vndertake any thing which inuincible valour durst promise to atchieue. Hee had bene bred with the sword; alwayes in action, alwayes on the fauourable hand of Fortune: so as, albeit he was but yong, yet was he in experience well grounded; for inuention subtill, in counsaile quicke, in execution resolute; wise to foresee a danger, and expedite to auoid it. In a word, the generall reputation of his valour and celeritie, made him esteemed one of the best Chiefetaines in his time.

His behauiour was variable and inconstant; earnest in euery present passion, and for the most part accompanying the disposition of his mind, with outward demonstrations. Of nature he was rough, haughtie, obstinate, inuincible, which was much enlarged both by his soueraigntie and youth: so singular in his owne conceit, that he did interprete it to his dishonour, that the world should deeme, that he did not gouerne by his owne iudgement. In publicke he composed his countenance to a stately terrour; his face sowerly swelling, his eyes truculent, his voyce violent and fierce, scarce thinking himselfe Maiesticall in the glasse of his vnderstanding, but when he flashed feare from his presence. And yet in priuate he was so affable and pleasant, that he approched neere the degree of leuitie: much giuen to scoffing, and passing ouer many of his euill actions with a ieast. In all the other carriages of his life, he maintained no stable and constant course; but declared himselfe for euery present, as well in vertue as in vice, strong, violent, extreeme.

In the beginning of his reigne he was esteemed a most accomplished Prince; and seemed not so much of power to bridle himselfe from vice, as naturally disposed to abhorre it. Afterwards, either with variation of times, or yeelding to the pleasures which prosperity vseth to ingender euen in moderate minds, or perhaps his nature beginning to disclose that which hee had cunningly concealed before, corruptions crept vp, and he waued vncertainely betweene vertue and vice. Lastly, being imboldned by euill teachers, and by continuance both of prosperitie and rule, he is said to haue made his height a priuiledge of loosenesse, and to haue abandoned himselfe to all licentious demeanour; wherein he seemed little to regard God, and nothing man.

Assuredly, there is no greater enemie to great men, then too great prosperitie in their affaires; which taketh from them all iudgement and rule of themselues; which maketh them ful of libertie, and bould to doe euill. And yet I cannot conceiue that this King was so bould, so carelesse, so shamelesse in vices, as many writers doe report. It is certaine that hee doubted of some points of Religion, at that time without any great contradiction professed; and namely, of praying to Saints, worshipping of Reliques, & such like. It is certain also, that out of policie in State, he endeuoured to abate the tumorous greatnes of the Clergie at that time; as well in riches, as in authority and power with the people: and that he attributed not so much to the Sea of Rome, as diuers Kings before him had done. Insomuch as he restrained his subiects from going to Rome, and withheld the annuall paiment of Peter pence, and was oftentimes heard to giue foorth, that they follow not the trace of S. Peter, they greedily gape after gifts and rewards, they retein not his power, whose pietie they do not imitate. These were causes sufficient for the writers of his time (who were for the most part Clergie-men) to enlarge his vices beyond the trueth, to surmise many vices vntruely, to wrest his true vertues to be vices.

And this I doe the rather coniecture, for that I doe not find his particular actions of like nature, with the generall imputation which is cast vpon him; for that also I finde the chiefe of these generall imputations to bee these:[69] That he was grieuous to the Church, of no deuotion to God, preferring respect of temporall state before the rules of the Gospel. Verely, it is hard to doe that which will beare a cleere beauty in the eyes of all men; and if our actions haue not the fauour of time, and the opinion of those men who doe estimate and report them, they are much dimmed with disgrace.[70] Out of all doubt he was a magnanimous Prince, mercifull and liberall, and in martiall affaires most expert, diligent and prosperous; wise to contriue his best aduantage, and most couragious to atchieue it. But two things chiefly obscured his glory; one, the incomparable greatnesse of his father, to whom he did immediatly succeede; the other was the prowesse of those men, against whom he did contend in armes; especially of Malcolme King of Scots, and of Robert Duke of Normandie. To these I may adde, that hee died in the principall strength and flourish of his age, before his iudgement had full command ouer his courage.

Many doe attribute his excellent beginnings to Lanfranck Archb. of Canterburie: who during the time of his life, partly by authoritie, and partly by aduise, supported the vnstable yeeres and disposition of the King: which after the death of Lanfranck returned by degrees to their proper sway. But I do rather attribute many of his first vertues to the troubles which happened in the very entrance of his reigne; which partly by employment, and partly by feare, held his inclination in some restraint. For Odo Bishop of Baion and Earle of Kent, the Kings vncle by the mothers side, had drawen the greatest part of all the Prelates and Nobilitie that were Normans, into a dangerous confederacie against the King; to deiect him from his State, and to aduance Robert his elder brother for their King.

The secret cause of this conspiracie was partly vpon a generall discontentment, at the great, though worthy estimation and authoritie (a most capitall offence in the eye of enuie) of Lanfrank Archbishop of Canterburie; by means whereof many of the conspirators liued in farre meaner reputation, then their ambitious minds could easily breake: but chiefly it was vpon a more particular grudge, which Odo did beare against the same Lanfranck; because by his perswasion, Odo had been committed to prison by King William the elder. For when the King complained to Lanfranck of the intolerable both auarice and ambition of his brother Odo, the Archbishop gaue aduise, that hee should bee restrained of his libertie. And when the King doubted, how he being a Bishop, might be committed to prison, without impeaching the priuiledges of the Church; indeede answered Lanfranck, you may not imprison the Bishop of Baion, but you may doe what you please with the Earle of Kent.