Bernstorff's fate aroused general sympathy. It is true that he had fostered the extravagance of the court, favoured foreigners, and repeatedly allowed the state to be swindled by projectors. Nor could he be acquitted of a certain vanity; but still he was a man of noble character, and honestly desired the welfare of the state. He had sacrificed a large portion of his fortune in the service of his adopted country, and the prospect of a permanent peace with Russia was his work. The incorporation of the ducal estates of Plön, when this line died out, with the royal portion of Holstein, was owing to his exertions; he had materially raised the prestige of the kingdom at foreign courts, by carrying through the profitable free trade, and creating a maritime trade in the Mediterranean and the Levant. He was a true father to the poor, and hence we can understand that the whole nation regretted his fall, and that general respect accompanied him on his departure.
Bernstorff's post as minister of foreign affairs was not immediately filled up. For this reason, the ministers of the foreign courts were requested to address the king directly in writing in matters concerning their courts. The real object of this was to prevent the Russian ambassador, Filosofow, from causing the king to alter his mind through personal representations. The intention did not escape Filosofow; he became terribly excited, and vented his anger in the bitterest complaints and remarks. He openly threatened the vengeance of his court, and sent off at once by a courier a full account of the remarkable events he had witnessed in the course of a few weeks.[129]
Bernstorff's discharge was followed by a great number of others. The first blow fell on the father-in-law of the ex-favourite, chief secretary at war, and intendant of the navy, Admiral Danneskjold Laurvig,[130] a man who was universally despised, and consequently not a voice was raised against his dismissal. His post was not filled up, but Vice-Admiral Römeling was appointed first deputy of the Admiralty College, with immediate reference to the king. In the War Department important changes also took place. Lieutenant-General Von Hauch lost the presidency, which was given to Gähler, and Rantzau-Ascheberg was promoted to be second deputy. In the College of Finances, Privy Councillor Shack and Count Gustavus Holck were dismissed, and their post was given to Von Scheel. In the two War Offices a number of dismissals and promotions also took place.
These changes principally affected individuals, but the new Regent did not stop with these, and it became more and more clear that he intended a thorough reform of the administration. But no comprehensive and connected scheme was drawn up. Conferenzrath Struensee read, as lecteur du roi, letters and proposals for reforms to the king, which he recommended for further consideration and resolution, but he consulted no one else about his views. The king, himself, then decided in Struensee's presence what should be done, and how carried out. At times Struensee laid before the king proposals drawn up by himself, which Christian either sanctioned or altered, but wrote his own orders himself. Conferenzrath Schumacher drew up these orders in an official form, and the king read them all through once more before he affixed his signature. It was clear that the monarch chiefly listened to Struensee's propositions, and equally certain that the bases of reforms in the administration emanated from the latter. The more important of these reforms were as follows:—
All representations addressed to the king must be in writing, and the kings decisions would be given in the same way. At the same time persons would be careful so to draw up the petitions, that they only contained the material points, and the questions on which the king had to decide must be plainly and clearly brought forward. In cases where the king might find it necessary to consult with other persons, he would either request the opinion of the college in question, or appoint a commission to investigate the matter, but everything, as far as was possible, should be settled by the ordinary government organs—the departments. The colleges would strive, as far as the matter allowed, to treat and bring forward all affairs in a similar form. As the king in deciding on matters did not wish to enter into details, but expected it to be done by the colleges, the latter would urge their subordinates to attend to this duty and make them responsible for it, so that all government business might be treated in a similar mode. Lastly, the business of the several departments would be so kept separate, that each would only attend to those matters which naturally fell to it, and none would have an influence over the other. The number of departments would, moreover, be reduced, so that there would be only one department for each division of the administration.
As regards the different branches of the administration, the following rules were laid down concerning foreign affairs: the king had resolved to strive after no further influence over foreign courts in any matters that did not affect the position of his own kingdom and the prosperity of trade. At the same time, the king wished to spare the expense which numerous first-class embassies at foreign courts entailed. On the other hand, the king would not allow foreign courts any influence over the internal affairs of his kingdoms. Although Struensee could not thoroughly convince himself of the importance of the Holstein territorial exchange for the Danish monarchy, he was still of opinion that the king must remain true to the Russian alliance, and create no suspicion at the court of Petersburg. However, the Russian court must not seek guarantees in accidental and immaterial circumstances, but solely trust to the rectitude of the king, of which he had lately given the empress the most manifest proofs. As regards these ticklish relations Struensee entertained very different views from Rantzau-Ascheberg, who was of opinion that Denmark should not lean exclusively on Russia, but draw nearer to other courts, especially the Swedish.
As regards Sweden, Struensee, speaking through the king, entertained wise and peaceful sentiments. These were, that the court should get rid of the disquieting idea that Sweden was necessarily the enemy of Denmark, gradually retire from officious interference in the affairs of that kingdom, and, before all, not expend such large sums upon it. Struensee was also of opinion that France should no longer be treated with the coldness which had set in when she gave up subsidizing Denmark, and attempts be made to regain her friendship. The French and Swedish envoys, Marquis de Blosset and Baron von Sprengtporten, were the only foreign ministers who paid respect to Struensee during the period of his grandeur, and the only envoys who appeared at his levees.
When the arguments on these points were ended, the king read through everything that had been urged by the two advisers of the crown, and decided in favour of Struensee, though he had previously had no fixed opinion on the subject.
As regards home affairs, it was decided that everything connected with the finances of the state should be placed under one college. Order and economy were recognised as the sole means of relieving the embarrassed finances, and all enterprises not based on those two principles were given up. The whole of the state revenue would be paid into one exchequer, and the requisite sums paid out of it to the other departments, so that the king might more easily see the state of his income and out-goings. As a relief for the subjects and the tax-gatherers, the payments in kind would be converted into payments in money, in order to promote the industry of the country people, and prevent the frequent abuses which so often occurred in payments in kind. The king wished the out-goings for the government to be kept quite distinct from the private expenditure for the court and royal family. Factories, which, owing to their nature and the circumstances of the country, could not exist without assistance, would no longer be supported by the Treasury, and the support of others would be given in the shape of premiums, as the king wished to have no partnership in them; and the same would be the case with commerce. All pensions which appeared excessive in proportion to the royal income would be reduced. As regarded the administration of justice, the king would not decide in any matter till it had been legally discussed by the courts. The number of courts would be reduced, as everybody, no matter his rank, would be regarded as a simple citizen in judicial matters. The judges would receive no fees, but have a settled salary from the Treasury, and trials would take place more rapidly.
General St. Germain had effected such excellent reforms in the army, that the king in council proposed to make no change in it, although the system of recruiting among the natives had not yet been introduced. For the navy, the sensible regulation was established that its strength did not consist in the number of vessels, but in those already existing being fit for sea and properly equipped. It was also of importance that everything required for a bombardment should always be kept in store. As regards the court, every superfluity that only served for pomp would be removed, and only that intended for amusement retained, but it must be borne in mind that the amusements and court circles would be arranged in accordance with the taste of the king and queen.