The Hastatus or spearman, a young light-armed soldier, preceded the colours; hence he was called Antesignanus. He wore for defence a plain or crested helmet which varied with his legion.[868] He had a bronze breast-plate thirty-two inches long, or a cuirass of thin metal plates defending the chest and forming shoulder-pieces. A kilt[869] of the same material protected his lower body; greaves or leggings (ocreæ) his legs, and the Scutum or shield his flank. This article (σκῦτος, leather, dog-skin?), a curved rectangular oblong, larger than the Parma, measured about four feet by two and a half feet; the framework was of wood, and the covering had a strong boss and metal platings. As his name denotes, the Hastatus was armed with the full-sized spear, and with a long or short ‘gladius’ or ‘ensis.’ The latter was carried on the right, as a rule; as will be seen, it greatly varied in size and shape. The soldier, when excited in battle, threw away his spear and drew his Sword; the Etruscans did the same.[870] The shield-umbo was also used in close combat to bear down the opponent.
Fig. 273.—Centurion’s Cuirass, with Phaleræ or Decorations.
The second line, which like the third followed the standards, was composed of the Principes or Proci, soldiers of mature age. The name seems to denote that originally they formed the front line, as the Greek Promachoi and our Grenadiers.[871] Lastly came the Triarii (third line men), a reserve, so called from their position—veterans of tried valour who were expected to retrieve the fortunes of the day. At first they were the only Pilani[872] (javelineers), as opposed to the two first lines (Antepilani). Their redoubtable weapon, which conquered so much of the old world, and which descended by inheritance to the Franks, was about six feet and three-quarters long, composed of an iron (two feet) with oval or pyramidal head, set by a broad tang in a wooden socketed shaft treble its length. The latter was round at the heel and squared about the shoulders, as we learn from Livy,[873] when describing the Phalarica or fire-missile. Both Principes and Triarii also carried Swords, the former at the right hip, the latter above it: as has before been noticed this is a most complicated subject. The bandsmen wore, like the Signa-bearers, a peculiar helmet; they consisted of tubicines (using the tuba, a long Etruscan trumpet), of cornicines (the cornu being a writhed horn), and of buccinatores, blowing a short simple instrument. The Roman officers were armed like the men.
Under the term utraque militia was included the legionary cavalry whose number varied little in proportion to the infantry. In Polybius’ day the ratio was two hundred to four thousand. This arm was clad in a complete suit of bronze less heavy than the Greeks and the Gallo-Greeks;[874] the buckler of ox-hide was round, oval, or polygonal. The horseman’s weapons were a Spear (contus), often accompanied by a javelin, a waist-dagger, and a Sword worn on the right; the latter, unlike ours, preserved the form of the infantry weapon. The Greek cavalry in the Roman service at the siege of Jerusalem, as we learn from Josephus, carried long Swords suspended to the right flank.
Lastly, the Legion was followed by its massive tormenta (artillery): catapults (for darts) and balistæ (for stones), escorted by the vexillarii or oldest soldiers, under their own vexillum, and worked by the Sappers or fabri (lignarii, &c.). The camp-followers (calones, lixæ) and the baggage (impedimenta) brought up the rear.
The Roman infantry was carefully drilled. Vegetius tells us that recruits were exercised with osier-bucklers and stakes double the weight of the normal Swords. There were also regular champs de Mars, ‘sham-fights’ with wooden Swords and with javelins whose points were sheathed in balls.
In the effeminate days of the Empire, shortly after Constantine, military discipline was relaxed, and the decay of the Legion became complete. Instead of shouldering their packs the men carried them in carts. The Hasta was given up, and the helmet and the cuirass were dispensed with as too heavy. Vegetius[875] had reason to ascribe the defeat of the Legion by the Goths to the want of its old defensive armour.
It was not only when campaigning that the Romans studied the use of arms. In the Campus Martius and the other seven ‘parks’ of the Capital, crowds of young men practised riding, swording, and athletics. Another mighty Salle d’Armes was the Amphitheatre. To a purely military nation, gladiatorism had great merits. ‘C’estoit, à la verité,’ says Montaigne,[876] ‘un merveilleux exemple, et de tresgrand fruict pour l’institution du peuple, de veoir touts les jours en sa presence cent, deux cents, voire mille couples d’hommes, armez les uns contre les aultres, se hacher en pieces, avecques une si extreme fermeté de courage, qu’on ne leur voit lascher une parole de foiblesse ou commiseration, jamais tourner le dos, ny faire seulement un mouvement lasche pour gauchir au coup de leur adversaire, ains tendre le col à son espee, et se presenter au coup.’
It appears to me that the nineteenth century wastes much fine sentiment upon the ‘detestable savagery of the Lanista,’[877] and upon the wretches