“February 18th.—In the Post and Herald of this morning is a notice of a lecture at the Polytechnic Institution, from which it would appear that the lecturer exhibited electrotype imitations of the medallion stamp, stating, at the same time, that they could be imitated with the greatest ease, that they had consequently been abandoned, and that he was authorised by Government to make a series of experiments connected therewith. I immediately showed the paragraph to the Chancellor of the Exchequer, with a view of ascertaining if he had given any such authority. He had not.”
On Mr. Cole’s applying at the Polytechnic Institution, the authorities there produced an official letter from Colonel Maberly, authorising the experiments in question, and stating that he would bear them harmless. It must be added that the experiments thus injuriously made were but a repetition of processes performed some months before, under proper authority, by Mr. Palmer, of Newgate Street; and, further, that as the stamp had now been officially registered, no attempt at imitation could be lawfully made save by authority of the Commissioners of Stamps; who, again, would have to give power by a formal warrant.
The Post Office condemnation of my plan, founded on the slow progress in the number of letters, still continuing, it was a little remarkable that there came from the same quarter written warnings to the Treasury of an expected “break-down” from excessive increase:—
“Journal, February 11th.—[The Chancellor of the Exchequer showed me] a note from Colonel Maberly which concludes thus:—
“If this weather lasts I fear we shall have a break-down. We are dreadfully afflicted in London—at Derby they must have more assistance—at Bristol our clerks won’t stay, their pay is too bad, and those who do remain will be worked to death. We will do as well as we can; but, take my word for it, we were never so near a break-down.’ Expressions of this kind have been rather frequent of late, and it behoves me, I think, not altogether to disregard them. They appear to me to be intended to be understood thus—there will be a break-down, but the fault is not ours; the blame rests with the new system and those who forced it upon us. My reply is, if Colonel Maberly cannot carry on the new system he ought to resign; if he remain in his present position, and there is a break-down, the fault is clearly his; at all events, the blame must and ought to fall to his share.
“February 23rd.—[Lord Lichfield, in a note to Mr. Baring] talks in the same manner as Colonel Maberly, but even more strongly, of the danger of a break-down.
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“I found Mr. Baring had acted with his usual decision. He had written to desire that Lord Lichfield would state explicitly the dangers he apprehended, and the additional strength required; after which we shall look into the cases, and then he will see Lord Lichfield and Colonel Maberly on the subject.”
It will have been observed that the apprehensions set forth above are coupled with allegations of necessity for increased force; and such demands, if granted as fast as they were made, would have defeated all hope of that large economy which, in my calculations, was counted upon from simplification of operations. Of the lavish course taken I proceed to give some further indication:—