“We were surprised to find that even he had adopted the current notions about the plan, and that, after we had in confidence shown him the minute, he was by no means cordial in his approval.
“Same day.—Went to the Treasury. The Chancellor of the Exchequer thinks it unnecessary to publish the minute. Hayter is confident the Government will not give way; but I fear that as they do nothing to stem the tide, they will eventually give way to it. However, I can do no more.”
“October 3rd.—The Lord Mayor came to the office just before the hour for the City meeting. He gives much such an account of things as ——, and says that, if Lord John Russell persists, he will certainly lose his seat for the City. Gave the Lord Mayor some information to use at the meeting. He told me that the deputation of clerks did come to him, and that he reprimanded them for so doing.”
The City meeting was unanimous against the measure; the agitation was evidently very powerful, and the most absurd and erroneous statements were abroad. One circumstance, however, gave partial explanation of the stir. We all know that in the heat of debate, as well as in the heat of wine, suppressed feelings are apt to come forth; and some of the speeches at this meeting showed, not very obscurely, a motive to agitation of which I was not previously aware, and which certainly assorted but ill with the religious considerations so much dwelt upon. It appeared that, by the existing arrangements, the London merchant occasionally got his letters from the East or West Indies or other distant places on Monday morning, while the Liverpool merchant did not get his till Monday evening; so that there was an interval of which, by the aid of the telegraph, the London merchant could take advantage for his special benefit. By the change contemplated, the two deliveries would be made at the same time, and the local advantage be therefore lost. I must not be supposed to attribute this low motive to the meeting generally, still less to the public at large, though probably it had its influence on more persons than would have been willing to acknowledge it even to themselves. As we proceed, too, it will be manifest that other motives were at work of an order but little more elevated. Meantime, as Government intended, notwithstanding the clamour, to go forward with the measure, it was necessary promptly to secure the means.
“Same day.—Pressed on Tilley the necessity of ascertaining, without delay, what volunteers could be obtained from the men; begging at the same time that no compulsion whatever might be used.”
Of course the sole ground of complaint from the clerks and letter-carriers was the expectation, real or pretended, that Sunday attendance would be compelled. Such an expedient had never entered into my mind; for, first, I should have held such compulsion too high a price to pay for the advantage; and, secondly, I anticipated no difficulty whatever in obtaining volunteers.
“Same day.—Received a letter from the Postmaster-General, expressing an opinion that the steps taken will soon put the public right. Wrote in reply.”
Three days later, being asked by Colonel Maberly if it was my intention that none but volunteers should be taken, and being urged by Mr. Bokenham (the head of the department immediately concerned) to allow of compulsion, with a warning that otherwise men would hardly be procured, I replied that I would rather give up the measure than compel a single man to attend. On the morrow I had again support from a very important quarter:—
“October 5th.—The Times this morning has an able defence, founded chiefly on the information supplied in my letter to the Editor.”