In respect of conveyance, I thought it possible that if the demand became sufficiently general, it might in time become practicable to suspend those branch posts that served many places, and that with the concurrence of the public this might be gradually done to a very great extent; but I saw no hope of such a state of things as would justify the interruption of the mails on the trunk lines, which were indispensable alike to the purposes of Government and the convenience of the public. On this latter point I showed in considerable detail what an enormous amount of derangement such suspension would produce. I showed that to suspend all operations of the Post Office for the twenty-four hours of Sunday must necessarily involve the interruption of the mails for more than twenty-four hours, and that this would make it impossible for them to start at midnight on Sunday from the point at which they stopped at midnight on Saturday. The derangement that would result would produce inconvenience at place after place throughout each line, for it would not only alter the hours of delivery, but also disturb arrangements with the branch mails, cross mails, and rural posts, throughout the greater part of the kingdom, the whole evil being doubled by its necessarily applying to mails in both directions. I showed further, that as the stoppage of the mails would not imply the stoppage of the mail trains, since passengers would never consent to such an interruption, there would be no cessation of traffic, while the relief even to the servants of the Post Office would be but nominal, since it would be found indispensable to an efficient responsibility that the bags when at rest, just as when in motion, should remain under the custody of the guards, who would thus have to continue on duty throughout the day of rest.
With regard to the amount of public inconvenience which would arise from the interruption, I showed that, supposing but one letter in a thousand to contain tidings of pressing importance, there would be, at the then existing rate of correspondence, nearly a thousand cases per week in which delay would painfully interfere with the feelings of relatives and friends, or lead to serious trouble or loss; and that the necessity so produced would inevitably lead to a revival of contraband conveyance, detrimental alike to Sunday observance and the interests of the office.
In conclusion, I pointed out that by the measures then in progress, combined with others carried into effect during the previous year, improvements were now in such a state of advancement that in a few days the Sunday duty throughout England and Wales would be reduced to probably little more than half its original amount; while this great benefit would be obtained in such a manner as not only not to impair, but greatly to promote, the public convenience.
“January 21st.—The Postmaster-General is highly pleased at my Report on the proposed total abolition of Sunday duties, which is to be sent to Lord John Russell for use in debate. I have advised that its statements, which necessarily run into considerable detail, should be checked by the practical men.”
So far as I remember, however, no error was discovered.
Shortly after this time symptoms of a better understanding on the part of the public began to appear, more defenders arising in various quarters, and even those who made extreme demands taking a more moderate tone. But whatever assurance I might now have as to improved feeling in the public, an ordeal which I was about to go through still seemed formidable. I had had the pain to learn that Mr. Wallace, who had done so much for the public and for myself, had fallen into pecuniary difficulties, so that his friends in Scotland were raising a subscription for his benefit. A public meeting had been resolved upon, and I was earnestly requested to attend, which I promised to do, though with considerable misgiving as to the sort of reception I was likely to meet with. My doubts were nowise removed by a letter received from my uncle, Provost Lea, of Haddington, who, having been apprised of my expected visit by the Scotch newspapers, wrote in the most earnest terms to deprecate the attempt, warning me that the feeling against me northward of the Tweed was so strong that he feared I should be literally torn to pieces by the mob. Though I made great allowance for the apprehensions of an affectionate relative and kind-hearted old man, I certainly thought it very likely that hisses and groans might be more abundant than applause. Be this as it might, the journey, being a matter of duty, had to be taken, and on March 6th I went to Glasgow.
On the following morning, before proceeding to Greenock, I paid a visit to the large ship-yard of Messrs. Napier, employing several hundred men. When I was about to leave, the foreman of a gang of workmen busily employed in constructing a large iron vessel came forward and demanded in a loud voice, “Three cheers for Rowland Hill”; a call responded to by what seemed to my gratified ears a unanimous shout. Thus encouraged, I went to Greenock. The meeting was held in a large church, the chairman occupying the pulpit; a usual arrangement, as I was assured, in Scotland. On rising to speak I was received, so said the newspapers, “with enthusiastic applause”; the same being repeated when I sat down.[75] Of what I said I will merely remark that justice, gratitude, and sympathy for my suffering friend, combined to draw from me my best efforts. On the following day, after inspecting the post office both at Greenock and Glasgow, I set out on my return, very agreeably disappointed in the expectations with which I had gone forth. I must not close this account without mentioning that the result of the subscription was the purchase of an annuity of £500 for Mr. Wallace’s life.
On the 19th of the month the question of the total abolition of Sunday duty was shortly discussed in the House of Lords; Lords Malmesbury, Clanricarde, and Brougham speaking against the measure, while the Bishop of Oxford and Lord Harrowby spoke cautiously in its favour. On the same day my friend Mr. Matthew Forster, at my request, moved in the Commons for the several reports on the question of Sunday duty. To this motion the Government at once acceded. I cannot mention Mr. Forster without adding that the friendliness which he had shown me from my first acquaintance with him continued with steady increase to the end of his life; that, in short, I stand indebted to him and to his family for much kindness and much valuable aid.
Two days later, the Postmaster-General having offered to a deputation from Edinburgh a Parliamentary Committee on the subject, this proposal (at the recommendation of the Secretary to the Lord’s Day Society) was declined; a conclusive proof of conscious weakness.
“April 10th.—This morning’s Herald contains an account of a meeting at Exeter Hall to petition for total abolition. Few men of weight appear to have been present, and the whole proceedings were in a subdued tone. One of the speakers, in describing what I have done, spoke of it as a step in the right direction. Their resolutions, of course, contain various misrepresentations.”