[CHAPTER XXV.]
It is intended that Hong-Kong shall be governed upon the same principles by which other crown colonies are regulated—namely, that there shall be a legislative and an executive council, to aid the governor with their advice and assistance.
The importance of Hong-Kong, not only with regard to the commerce of all nations with China, but more especially with reference to our relations with the Chinese government, cannot be estimated too highly. However scrupulous we may be in the first instance to limit our intercourse, as much as possible, to the mere commercial questions which may arise, it is impossible not to foresee that other complications may result from it, the issue of which it would be presumptuous to predict. A new era has at length opened upon China, a sudden and almost incredible change in all her relations with foreigners; and the ease and apparent readiness with which she has acceded to all the proposed arrangements respecting trade, is perhaps not less remarkable than the pertinacious obstinacy with which she had so long and so haughtily refused to make any change whatever in the established order of things.
Providence has at length ordained that a vast empire, which comprises nearly a third of the human race, shall no longer remain totally excluded from the great family society of nations; and we cannot but believe that the period has at length arrived when that wonderful nation is, by a slow but steady progress, to be brought under the influence of Christianity. But, while we are impressed with this feeling, let us not be too hasty in precipitating a crisis which may convulse a mighty empire from one end to the other. This, then, leads us to the momentous question of the ultimate disorganization or breaking up of the Chinese empire. This is the great event which we have to dread; for who can contemplate the fearful results of such a crisis without alarm, and without a desire to prevent a catastrophe of so vast a nature?
In this point of view, the possession of Hong-Kong, the state of our relations with the Chinese government, and the difficult questions which may possibly, at no distant period, require our most anxious attention, (it must not be forgotten that the present Emperor of China is already in the decline of life) involve a degree of responsibility which cannot be too deeply felt, and can scarcely be approached without misgivings. Every member of the government of Hong-Kong must, therefore, be keenly alive to the responsibility of his position, and must watch with profound anxiety every one of the widely spreading circles into which the acts of our administration may ultimately extend themselves. We must stand up before the Chinese government, not only in the relation of a friend, but of an ally; and, instead of weakening its authority, we ought rather to support its influence in the eyes of its own people. Our intercourse with that remarkable nation ought to be recorded in the pages of history as a blessing, and not, what it might readily become, without great caution and prudence—a curse.
Impressed with the truth of these observations, the first great and difficult question which awakens our anxiety, is that of the future relations of the opium-trade, and the course which is to be pursued with respect to it at Hong-Kong. Great anxiety has been felt as to the regulations which may be applied to it, in our own settlement, which is understood to be in all respects a free port. It would seem, therefore, that the storage of opium at Hong-Kong could hardly be prohibited; and yet it is difficult to discover how it would be possible, in that case, to avoid the dilemma of appearing in the eyes of the Chinese government to sanction, and even encourage, a description of trade especially prohibited by the Emperor. The simplest and indeed the only effectual mode by which all the difficulties of the question could be surmounted would be, inducing the Chinese government to legalize the trade, and to consent to the introduction of the drug, upon payment of a certain duty.
No stronger arguments could be advanced in favour of this step than those already employed by Chinese writers themselves, in the various memorials presented to government on the subject. Although the opium-trade is not even alluded to in either of our recent treaties, it is well known that Sir Henry Pottinger has used his best efforts to induce the Chinese government to consent to the legalization of the trade, and to introduce the article into the tariff. It is possible that this object may be ultimately effected, but at present we have no reason to believe that any material progress has been made towards bringing this question to a satisfactory conclusion.
In the meantime, the opium-trade has never been more thriving than during the past year, and bitter complaints have appeared in the Pekin gazettes, of the introduction of the drug even into the imperial palace. The emperor appears to be as hostile to the opium-mania as ever, and yet all his measures against it are quite as ineffectual as they have ever been. In fact, the people are determined to enjoy the forbidden luxury at all hazards, and no means hitherto attempted have deterred even the public officers of government from conniving at the clandestine trade, nor is it likely that they will ever be proof against the temptation of heavy bribes, which the large profits derived from the traffic enable those concerned in it to offer.
Should the trade in opium become ultimately legalized, it cannot be doubted that it would greatly tend to the advantage of Hong-Kong, and would induce many Chinese merchants to come over and seek it there, who would at the same time be tempted to make other purchases as well. The drug would then in some measure be paid for in the produce of the country, and not, as it is at present, in silver exclusively, and, in fact, all the commercial relations of the country would at once be placed upon a much more satisfactory footing.