"The scroll on which is inscribed the freedom of the city is designed and illuminated by James Orr Marples (Mr. Rutherfoord), Liverpool and London Chambers, Exchange. The vellum is bound and backed with royal blue silk and attached to an ivory roller. At the top of the composition is the Liver crest and tridents between the arms and supporters of the city, and a view of the Town Hall. Below, on the left side, beautifully emblazoned, are the armorial bearings of Sir William B. Forwood, with the crest and knight's helmet, the steel visor raised. On a scroll beneath the shield is the motto 'Fide virtute et labore.' The civic regalia and the port of Liverpool occupy the bottom of the design. Pendant by a broad blue ribbon from the scroll is the official seal of the city of Liverpool.
"The scroll was enclosed in a handsome silver-gilt box, decorated with panel pictures of the Town Hall, Free Libraries, and Museum, in enamels.
"Sir William Forwood, having signed the roll, said:—My Lord Mayor, aldermen, councillors, and ladies and gentlemen,—Believe me it is most difficult, indeed it is well nigh impossible to find words adequately to convey to you all the gratitude which fills my heart, to tell you how deeply I appreciate and value the very great honour and distinction you have so very generously and graciously conferred upon me, or to thank you, my Lord Mayor, for the very eloquent, kind, but sadly too flattering terms in which you have made this presentation. The honorary freedom of the city of Liverpool, guarded by this Council with so much jealousy, and bestowed with such a frugal hand, is the greatest honour which this city can confer—it is a unique order of merit, it is not conferred by the favour of a monarch or minister, but by the spontaneous and unanimous voice of a great representative assembly, and as such is not surpassed by any similar order in this country. It is justly esteemed and valued by distinguished statesmen and philanthropists, and not less by successful soldiers who in the hour of their country's great anxiety have turned defeat into victory. How much more, then, must I prize it, the freedom of my native city, as one born in Liverpool, and who has spent his life in your midst, and whose only claim to this great honour is that he has endeavoured to be of some use to his fellow-citizens. How imperfect this service has been, how much more I might have done, no one is more conscious of than I am; but you in your great kindness and generosity have been good enough to overlook my shortcomings, and are content to recognise only my long services and my desire at all times to the best of my ability to promote the welfare of this important community. I thank you most sincerely and with all my heart; my children and my children's children will, I am sure, look upon this beautiful casket and the record which it contains with feelings of pride and gratification. It is an added charm to the presentation which you have made to me that I am permitted to associate with it the memory of my late brother, who gave to this city the best of his life, the best of his thought and work, and died in their service. His memory will be long cherished by all those who witnessed his public spirit, his long and his unselfish devotion to the interests of the people of Liverpool. I remember well the first time I entered this Town Hall. As a boy I had spent my summer holidays at the Edge Lane entrance to the Botanic Gardens, obtaining signatures to a petition to the Town Council asking them to purchase the land adjoining the Botanic gardens for a park. I obtained 62,000 signatures. I brought the petition down in a cab. I remember it was too bulky to carry, and it had to be rolled through the vestibule to the Town Clerk's office, which was then in this building. That petition was successful, and the Wavertree Park was the first of those beautiful parks which now girdle the city. My next appearance within these walls was as the proud representative for Pitt Street Ward. It serves to mark the flight of time when I call to mind that of the members of the Council when I entered it in 1868 only three now survive—Mr. Samuel Greg Rathbone, Mr. Philip Holt, and myself. Mr. Rathbone is already a freeman, and our roll of freemen would be greatly enriched if we could add the name of Liverpool's anonymous and great benefactor. Of the members who have since entered this Council, many have fallen by the wayside, many have retired into private life, some have gone forward to the Commons House of Parliament to bear their part in the government of the country; but a goodly number have, I am glad to say, remained faithful to the municipal government of the city, recognising that they can undertake no more noble or useful work. Municipal work is many sided: it is full of interests; it is very attractive, and even fascinating; and it brings with it its own reward in the satisfaction of feeling that you are doing good. It may lack the glamour and prestige of the Imperial Parliament, but it has this great advantage: the City Council affords greater opportunities of initiating and carrying into effect measures for the benefit of the people among whom we live, and we have the added advantage of seeing the growth and fruition of our work. Who can compare the Liverpool of to-day with the Liverpool of thirty years ago without feeling thankful for what has been done, and proud that he has been privileged to take part in the doing of it? It seems only the other day we were wrestling with such an insanitary condition of things that the unhealthiness of Liverpool was a byword, and the prevalence of drunkenness and crime caused this city to be alluded to as the 'black spot on the Mersey.' Great social and sanitary problems had to be solved, which for years defied all attempts at their solution—it was only when broader and more enlightened views of municipal responsibility and duty came to the front, supported by a healthy and more vigorous public opinion outside, that these problems were grappled with, with such intelligence and determination that the Liverpool of to-day can challenge comparison with any city in the world—not only in the excellence and efficiency of its municipal government and administration but in its enlightened policy in dealing with insanitary property, housing the poor, the treatment of infectious disease, and last but not least, in the suppression and prevention of drunkenness and crime. You have, my Lord Mayor, alluded to the work done by the Library, Museum, and Arts Committee over which it is my privilege to preside. This may not bulk very largely in the public eye, but nevertheless it is very real, and is doing much for the intellectual and moral welfare of the people, and helping to make their lives brighter and happier. When we get those additional funds which I hope the generosity of the Council will give to us at no distant date, our work must progress by leaps and bounds. While the freedom of Liverpool which you have so very generously presented to me is the symbol of the highest honour conferred by a great city, whose ships cover the seas and whose commerce fills every corner of the globe, it is more than all this—it is the kind expression of goodwill and approval of friends with whom it has been my high privilege to work for so many years—an expression which I greatly value and appreciate, and for which I return you once again my most sincere and heartfelt thanks."
CHAPTER X. POLITICAL WORK.
Party politics have always been very prominent in Liverpool, partly no doubt due to the old Conservative associations, and partly to the presence in the city of so many Orangemen. Liverpool in my time has been mainly Conservative, and indeed, except for a brief period, this party has held the Town Hall and ruled over the municipal destinies of the town. It is, however, pleasant to recognise the good work done by the Liberals, who have always taken their share of committee work and most loyally helped forward the government of the city. The annual fight for the possession of the Town Hall has not been so much to secure party domination in the city as to control its representation in Parliament. This was an important consideration when the city voted as one unit for its three members. But it is of less importance now that the city is divided up into nine wards, each having its own representative in Parliament. The day may come when politics will happily cease to influence the municipal elections.
My earliest recollection of a general election is of being present on the hustings erected in front of the Town Hall. The nominations took place on the hustings, and the occasion was taken advantage of to ply the candidates with questions, and the proceedings seldom ended without some horse-play, the throwing of rotten eggs and bags of flour, etc. Of those prominent in these early elections I remember Tom Bold, the Tory tactician; Alderman Livingston, always to the front in a political fight; Mr. Alderman Rigby, the Blucher of the party. Money flowed freely, and also beer on the day of the election, and the town was kept more or less in a turmoil. All must rejoice in the quiet and orderly character of an election day under the new conditions which now prevail.
Very shortly after entering the Town Council I was asked to undertake the duties of "Whip," though we did not then dignify the position by that high-sounding name; in other words I acted as honorary secretary to the Conservative party in the Council. The appointment was probably made at the instance of my brother Arthur, who was already very active in the political world, but for business reasons could not at that time make himself very prominent. "Party" politics were never very congenial to me, although all my leanings were Conservative. I have felt that "Party" makes one acquainted with strange bedfellows, and induces men to do and say things from which they would shrink in everyday life; and I think "party" considerations are carried too far, and the best interests of the country are too often sacrificed at its call.