Crosby Hall and Ince were pleasant country houses to visit in the days of the old squires. It is strange that although the two estates march together the families have never inter-married since 1401.
The duties of a chairman of a division, in which both parties are evenly balanced, are not light, and can only be successfully accomplished if made personal. The secret of political success lies largely in organisation, and this must be vigilantly carried on in times when there is no political excitement, and when there is apparently no reason to work. A political organisation to be of any value must be continuous and must be thorough; it is not possible to organise a party on the eve of an election; you must have trusty lieutenants who know their work and do it. One of the weaknesses of any party organisation is the number of loafers, men ready to shout, but who are not capable of steady work. The quiet, but not very exciting task of looking after the register, watching removals, and having a careful canvass and cross-canvass of every elector, is the organisation and work which wins elections.
We had in Southport many excellent leaders, Mr. John Formby, Mr. Beauford, Mr. Clinning, and many others I could name, with whom it was a great pleasure to work, and my political association with the Southport Division will ever remain with me as a sunny memory.
I have declined several invitations to stand for Parliament—on two occasions from Southport, one from Walton, one from Everton, and more recently one from Westmorland. When in business it was not possible for me to enter Parliament, as my brother Arthur was already a member; and I have since felt that if a member is to make any position in Parliament he should enter the house on the right side of fifty.
Of late years my Free Trade principles have been a barrier to my taking an active part on the Conservative side. I did my best to prevent my friends delivering themselves up to Tariff Reform, and published a series of letters in the Daily Post on Free Trade v. Protection, which were afterwards published in pamphlet form, and had a very extensive circulation.
Economic subjects have been my favourite studies, and I have seen much of the working of Protection in America. In 1870 I delivered an address on Free Trade before the New York Chamber of Commerce, and at their request I repeated this address before the Chambers of Commerce in Cleveland, Chicago, etc., but with little success. The question of a Tariff had already become "political." I was present in America during some of their industrial crises, upon which I addressed several letters to the London Times and Standard. It is difficult to describe the intensity and the prolonged suffering caused by the over-production encouraged by Protection, with no outlet save the home market. The only relief was the "scrapping" of the surplus manufacturing power, which brought great suffering to the working people. I have since written many papers on the subject; the controversy does not therefore come upon me as something new. This is not the place, however, to discuss these matters, but one cannot understand Liverpool becoming enamoured with Tariff Reform. Liverpool lives on her shipping and carrying trade, and whatever else may happen, this is at least certain, that Tariff Reform must reduce the quantity of imports and exports, and there must be less freight for our shipping to carry. Tariff Reform may give temporary prosperity to the manufacturer, but if ever adopted will be a serious blow to the trade and prosperity of Liverpool, and indeed of Lancashire, as the cotton manufacturing industry depends entirely upon our ability to turn cotton into yarn and cloth at the lowest possible cost.