[199] This is almost the only mention made of Aly during Abu Bekr’s Caliphate, excepting when he gives advice in the Caliph’s Council, marries a new wife, or purchases some attractive bond-maid. In such a self-indulgent life, he was becoming portly and inactive.
[200] I.e. of the Muhâjerîn or Ansâr; that is, the Coreish, on the one hand, and the natives of Medîna on the other.
[201] The following is an outline of the narrative, as given by the Arab historians. On Shahrîrân’s death, after the battle of Babylon (summer of A.D. 634), Dokht Zenân, daughter of Chosroes (Perwîz), for a brief period, and then Sapor, son of Shahrîrân, occupied the throne. The latter gave the hand of Azarmîdokht, another daughter of Chosroes, to his favourite minister Furrukhzâd. But she resented the alliance; and, at her call, the hero Siâwaksh slew the intended husband on the marriage night, besieged the palace, and, putting Sapor to death, proclaimed Azarmîdokht queen. Such was the state of things when Mothanna, in August, went to Medîna. During his absence, Burân, another daughter of Chosroes, having great influence with the nobles, summoned the warrior Rustem from Khorasan to avenge the death of his father, Furrukhzâd, which he did most effectually—defeating the royal troops, killing Siâwaksh, and putting out Azarmîdokht’s eyes; and then he set Burân upon the throne. Her regency (such was the ordinance) should continue ten years, in default of any prince being discovered of the royal blood; after which, the male line being proved extinct, the dynasty would be confirmed in the female line. Burân then appointed Rustem her minister, with supreme powers, and the nobles rallied round him. This was just before Abu Obeid’s appearance on the stage.
The chronology, however, is utterly confused and uncertain. This Burân is said to have opposed Shîra (Siroes) for a year; and, when he finally succumbed to have retained her authority as arbiter (àdil) in the State. She is also said to have sent gifts to Mahomet, &c. But so much we may assume as certain that between Perwîz (A.D. 628) and Yezdegird there was an interval of four and a half years. See Weil’s Chalifen, vol. i. p. 64, and Tabari, vol. ii. p. 178.
[202] The Persian campaign begins now to assume greater consistency and detail; but, partly from alteration of the river beds, and partly from the sites of towns, &c., being no longer known, it is not always easy to follow the course of the campaign. Namârick, the scene of Abu Obeid’s first victory, was on the Bâdacla, or western branch of the Euphrates. Jabân was there taken prisoner; but the captors, not recognising his rank, ransomed him in exchange for two skilled artisans. Mothanna, discovering his quality, would have put him to death for the deception, but Abu Obeid stood by the ransom. ‘The faithful are one body,’ he said, ‘and quarter given by any one of them must be sustained by all; it would be perfidy to put him to death.’ He was therefore let go; but being again laid hold of after the battle of the Bridge, was then executed. The second engagement took place at the royal date-preserve of Sakatia, near Kaskar (subsequently the site of Wâsit). Abu Obeid, hearing that Jalenûs was on his way with supports, hurried on and gave battle to Narsa before he came up. Expeditions were then sent to Barôsama and the country around.
[203] Called also Dzú Hâjib.
[204] It was twelve cubits long and eight broad.
[205] The common tradition is that Ibn Salûba, Chief of Hîra (as a kind of neutral), constructed the bridge for both sides. The account given by Belâdzori is more probable, that it was a standing bridge belonging to Hîra, as it would be chiefly for its use. The Moslems crossed at Marwaha, near Babylon. The action must therefore have been fought on the banks of the main river, and not on the western channel.