[255] Of the constitution of companies, Tabari says that ‘it was according to the practice of the Prophet, and the system followed at the establishment of the civil (pension) list.’ The first allusion is not clear, for Mahomet made no such disposition of his soldiers. The second points to the enrolment, shortly after made by Omar, of the whole Arab race, according to descent. The organisation of commands was very simple. First, there was the Ameer, or commander-in-chief, responsible to the Caliph alone; immediately under the Ameer were the generals commanding the centre, the wings, and brigades, van- and rear-guards; between the generals and the decemvirs there was no intermediate grade.
[256] ‘Companions’ here include all men who had seen and conversed with the Prophet. The number of these now present was an altogether new feature in the army of Irâc, hitherto mainly comprised of Bedouins. Of the Companions, there were over 310 who had joined Mahomet before the ‘Tree of Fealty’ (Life, ch. xix.); 300 who had been under his banner at the taking of Mecca; and 700 sons of Companions. We have had no such detail for any previous engagement. It foreshadows the coming classification of Omar’s civil list.
[257] So called Al Atîck, as before explained. The Khandac here approaches within a few miles of that channel.
[258] Some of these raiding expeditions are described at considerable length by tradition, which, now becoming prolific, loves to dwell on all the accompaniments of this great battle. An expedition sent for cattle to the marshy jungles of the Lower Euphrates, for a long time searched in vain. At last a boor told them that there were no herds in the vicinity; whereupon an ox bellowed from the thicket, ‘The liar! here we all are.’ They entered the jungle and found a great herd, which was driven off, and lasted the army many days.
[259] On the right, we are told that towards the N.E. the country was flooded as far as Walaja. For the ‘Trench of Sapor,’ dug three centuries before, see Life of Mahomet, vol. i. p. clxxi., where also will be found an account of the beautiful palace of Khawarnac. One road led to the palace, another to the desert, and a third from the bridge took a direction south into Arabia.
The chronology is somewhat obscure. Sád is said to have encamped only two months at Câdesîya before the battle; but either he must have been much longer in that vicinity, or have spent some considerable time previously at Odzeib or Shirâf, or else upon the march thither—which last is not unlikely, as they travelled in heavy order, like emigrants with their families. Sád set out from Medîna in spring (it was March when on the way he received tidings of Mothanna’s death), and the great battle was not fought till November; so that three-quarters of a year have to be accounted for. According to some traditions, Rustem prolonged his march from Medâin to Câdesîya through a period of four months, which, however, may be an exaggeration.
[260] The names of fifteen are given as ‘among’ those sent, so there may have been as many as twenty or more. Of the number were the two Moghîras, Asháth, Amr ibn Mádekerib, Nomân ibn Mocarrin, Otârid, Moänna, &c.
[261] There is much embellishment and romance in the scene and in the speeches, which are given in great detail, and must be taken only for what they are worth. They have been spun by tradition, no doubt, around a kernel of fact. There must have been many Persians present, who would tell the tale in after days, as well as the members of the deputation itself. There is fair probability for at least so much of the narrative as I have given. Asim was brother of the warrior Cacâa.
[262] Jalenûs led the advanced column of 40,000; Rustem, the main body of 60,000; there were 20,000 in the rear-guard; and besides, 60,000 camp followers accompanied the army. The right wing was commanded by Hormuz, the left by Mehrân, son of Behrâm. Some traditions put the numbers at 200,000; but it is all guess-work. 15,000 of these (as with the Roman army) are called ‘bound (meaning, apparently, tied together) for death,’ and 60,000 free; the rest seemingly slaves and convicts. Abundance of tales are given of Rustem’s desponding dreams and auguries.
[263] These raids and expeditions are narrated at a length altogether incommensurate with their importance—excepting that everything connected with the impending battle is invested by tradition with unusual significance.