The colony of his descendants and followers is said to have survived at Constantinople till the fall of the Cæsars; and a colour of likelihood is given to the statement from the frequent recurrence of the name Gabala among the notables at the court of Heraclius’ successors. (See Caussin de Perceval, vol. iii. p. 510.)

[318] It was the same call as a general call to prayer. (See Life of Mahomet, p. 205.)

[319] The tradition is given in Ibn al Athîr. There is always a tendency to magnify the simplicity and self-abnegation of the first two Caliphs, and something in the story may be due to this. But the tradition is of a character otherwise not likely to have been invented; and there is nothing in it very improbable, as the two courts had dealings with each other, not always unfriendly.

[320] According to some authorities, this command was conferred on Khâlid by Omar on his visit to Jerusalem.

[321] Palestine (Filistîn) was thus confined to the lower and western portion of the Holy Land, south of a line from Jerusalem and Jericho to Cæsarea. The province of the Jordan (Ordonna) extended as far north-west as Sûr, Tyre, and Acca. To the north of this, again, was Syria or Shâm. (See Caussin de Perceval, vol. iii. p. 425.)

[322] Artabûn is called ‘the shallowest and the unluckiest of the Romans.’ Omar said of him: ‘We shall play off Artabûn the Arab (meaning Amru) against Artabûn the Roman, and see what cometh.’ Artabûn thought to throw Amru off his guard, by telling him, at the interview which is said to have taken place between them, that he was going to retire on Egypt. When Omar was told of the ambush and Amru’s escape by taking another road, he said, ‘Verily, Amru is a lucky fellow.’

[323] Ramleh was not founded till the eighth century. The place was previously named Rama (Arimathea), near which Ramleh was built; but tradition, by anticipation, always calls it Ramleh.

Gaza, according to some, was captured in the first invasion, two years before. The following places are mentioned as now reduced:—Sebastia (on the way from Cæsarea to Nablûs, where is the tomb of John the son of Zacharias); Beit-Jibrîn (or Beth Gabara); Yabna; Ramh (Marj Arjûn); Ascalon; Amwâs. In fact, the whole country, with the single exception of Cæsarea, now fell into the hands of the Arabs and became tributary.

The conquest of Palestine, however, like that of Syria, is a mere epitome, with great confusion of dates. This is forcibly illustrated by the perfunctory notice of the important battle of Ajnadein, and the uncertainty surrounding its chronology. Several authorities place it even before Yermûk, giving the date as on a Saturday, in Jumâd I., A.H. XIII. (634 A.D.). As the date given really fell upon a Saturday, Weil adopts this view. But it is opposed to the consistent though very summary narrative of the best authorities, as well as to the natural course of the campaign, which, as we have seen, began on the east side of the Jordan, all the eastern province being reduced before the Arabs ventured to cross over to the well-garrisoned country west of the Jordan.

[324] It was foretold (so the tradition runs) in the Jewish books, that Jerusalem would be captured by a king whose name was formed but of three letters (as in that of Omar [**Arabic]), and whose description tallied otherwise so exactly with that of the Caliph that there could be no doubt that he was the personage meant by the prophecy. When this was told to Artabûn, he lost all heart, and departed to Egypt; whereupon the Patriarch sent to make terms with Amru. The tradition is curious, and, however fabulous in appearance, may possibly have had some foundation in fact.